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Will the Quads’ reunion be merely apparent and devoid of substance?

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This weekend, the Quad’s 4 leaders will meet again, this time in U.S. President Joe Biden’s hometown of Wilmington, Delaware. The summit can even be a farewell for the two leaders—one of Kishida Fumio’s final acts as Japan’s prime minister, and Biden will end his term 4 months after the meeting.

The Quad is an ambitious undertaking. As the 4 explained in a lengthy first Leaders’ messageIts aim is to advertise “a free, open, rules-based order, rooted in international law and unfettered by coercion, to enhance security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond.”

Described by policy pundits as “minilateral” to tell apart it from broader multilateral regional institutions akin to ASEAN and APEC, the organisation brings together a small group of self-proclaimed “like-minded” countries committed to pursuing a typical set of ambitions for the world’s most populous region.

First established in 2007, the Quad brought together 4 partners to debate shared security concerns raised by China’s rising power. Its first iteration was led largely by Washington and Japan, with Australia and New Delhi being reluctant participants. The group was largely abandoned by its members in 2008. They saw little profit in such overtly anti-Chinese coordination at a time when China’s foreign policy remained cautious.

The quad was brought back to life in 2017The 4 now share a grim assessment of Asia’s geopolitical circumstances. Xi Jinping’s China has an ambitious and assertive foreign policy that has unsettled the region and prompted the 4 to dust off the Quad structure.

The Quad was revived in 2017 in response to Xi Jinping’s increasingly aggressive foreign policy.
Andres Martinez Casares/EPA/AAP

The first formal meeting took place on the sidelines of the East Asia Summit in 2017. This was followed by a series of senior officials’ meetings in 2018 and at the level of foreign ministers in 2019 on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. Further ministerial meetings were held in 2020 in Tokyo and online in early 2021.

Biden hosted the first leaders’ meeting of 2021. There, the group pledged to carry an annual event to offer lasting political momentum for a gaggle the 4 now see as critical to their interests in the region.

At first, the Quad focused on military cooperation to advertise shared military concerns. However, in a comparatively short time, it has moved away from this security focus and has now developed a broad scope of activity. The group has established work programs on climate change, public health, immunization, high technology, infrastructure, educational exchanges, maritime domain awareness, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, and even space.

Although it has never been explicitly stated, the Quad is anxious with managing a collective response to China’s rise. The 4 are concerned about the military dimensions of Beijing’s growing prosperity, but in addition about the larger threats to the region’s operating system that this ambitious authoritarian power represents. While military concerns prompted the Quad’s creation, these latter concerns at the moment are being debated.

Oddly enough, economics should not currently part of the equation. This is a noticeable flaw given the ways China uses geoeconomics to advertise its interests.

The Quad re-emerged on the international stage greater than half a decade ago. It quickly went through all the gears, becoming a “leader-led” group, with the attendant media attention and a dramatically expanded policy scope. Despite its impressive statements and long list of work priorities, the reality is that the group has achieved little in terms of concrete cooperation.

As an exercise in diplomatic signaling it was remarkable, and in international affairs symbols matter, but only up to a degree. The achievement of practical cooperation was limited, as was its impact on the regional strategic balance.

Although grouping is clearly a priority, countries are still not particularly well-prepared to work as a quad. This is a function of basic experience in addition to bureaucratic constraints. With time and investment we will expect improvements, but it can be crucial to notice that this has not happened thus far.

If Quad members want their cooperation to be, as a recent article put it, Ministerial Statement “provide concrete benefits and act as a force for good,” then the group must engage in actual political cooperation.

Another major challenge is ensuring that the 4 countries align their interests in the future. All have concerns about China’s growing influence, but beyond that there are some serious challenges in keeping the group together. This is most blatant in relation to Russia, where India’s approach to Moscow is at odds with that of the other three. And their divergent approaches to their economies also make cooperation on this front extremely difficult.

When the leaders gather in Delaware, expect rather a lot of platitudes about the departing American and Japanese leaders, in addition to a fair more elaborate set of agendas to work on. There will be plenty of oblique references to the China challenge and lofty rhetoric. But until the Quad gets going, its ability to exert influence beyond optics will be limited.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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International

Will a pager explosion spark an Israel-Hezbollah war?

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The alleged Israeli attack on Hezbollah members via their pagers is one other ominous development that pushes the Middle East toward a full-scale regional war, leaving Hezbollah with few options but to retaliate with the total support of the Iranian-led “resistance axis.”

The sophistication and impact of the pager attack is unprecedented. The attack caused a minimum of 11 deathsincluding some Hezbollah fighters and as much as 3000 people early.

The most important goal of the attack, which was planned by US officials, they supposedly said carried out by Israel, was aimed toward disrupting Hezbollah’s communications and command and control system in Lebanon.

Because Hezbollah has using mobile phones has been restricted by its forces because Israel can easily detect and goal them, pagers have increasingly grow to be the popular messaging tool inside this group.

The attack may have been intended to create panic within the group and among the many Lebanese public, lots of whom don’t support Hezbollahconsidering the political divisions within the country.

Since the Hamas attacks on southern Israel on October 7, Israeli authorities led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have repeatedly said that specified to remove the threat from Hezbollah, which acts in solidarity with Hamas.

Hours before the attack on the Netanyahu government’s pagers explained that Israel’s war goals shall be expanded to incorporate the return of tens of hundreds of residents to their homes in northern Israel, from which they fled incessant Hezbollah rocket fire. Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant has said that the one strategy to try this is thru military motion.

The simultaneous pager explosions on Tuesday could subsequently be a prelude to a broad Israeli offensive against Hezbollah.

Consequences of the war with Hezbollah

Hezbollah has already vowed to retaliate. What form that can take stays to be seen. The group has the military potential to not only bombard northern Israel with drones and missiles, but in addition attack other parts of the Jewish state, including densely populated cities like Tel Aviv.

Hezbollah demonstrated this capability within the 2006 war with Israel. The war lasted 34 days, during which 165 Israelis died (121 IDF soldiers and 44 civilians) and Israel’s economy and tourism industry were significantly damaged. Hezbollah and Lebanese losses were much higher, with a minimum of 1,100 people killed. However, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) didn’t destroy or immobilize Group.

Destroyed buildings on the outskirts of Beirut, Lebanon, following Israeli warplane airstrikes in 2006.
AP

Any successful retaliatory strike on Israeli cities could lead to serious civilian casualties, giving Israel one other pretext to pursue its long-held goal of destroying Hezbollah and punishing its most important sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the broader conflict, the United States has pledged to defend Israel, while Iran would support Hezbollah in any way vital. If Israeli and U.S. leaders consider that Iran will proceed to refrain from any motion that might push it into war with Israel and the U.S., they’re mistaken.

Hezbollah is a central a part of the regime’s national and regional security paradigm. Tehran has invested heavily within the group, as produce other regional affiliates—notably Iraqi militias, the Yemeni Houthis, and the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. The goal of this “axis of resistance” was to construct a strong deterrent against Israel and the United States.



Since its founding 45 years ago, the Iranian regime has viewed Israel and its principal sponsor, the United States, as existential threats, just as Israel viewed Iran in the identical way. To that end, the regime has reoriented its foreign relations toward America’s principal adversaries, notably Russia and China. Russian-Iranian military cooperation has grow to be so strong that Moscow can have no qualms about supporting Iran and its allies in any war.

Tehran is fully aware of Israel’s nuclear potential. To protect itself against it, Iran has developed its own nuclear program threshold level developing weapons. Iranian leaders could also obtain assurances from Russia that it might help defend Iran if Israel resorted to using nuclear weapons.

Meanwhile, it should be remembered that after almost a yr of destroying Gaza and exterminating its inhabitants, Israel has didn’t annihilate Hamas.

His own actions are evidence of this. He has consistently forced Gazans to relocate in order that IDF soldiers can operate in areas they previously deemed freed from militants.

The task of defeating Hezbollah and its supporters could be a much larger goal to realize. It carries with it the grave risk of a war that each one sides say they are not looking for, but for which they’re all preparing.

The pager attack is just the most recent in a series of actions that proceed to threaten the probabilities for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza that might stabilize the region and contribute to peace, not war.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Gareth Evans condemns Labour’s timidity and urges its leaders to ‘regain their fire’

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Former Hawke-Keating cabinet minister Gareth Evans has accused the Albanian government of political timidity, condemning its instinct to “go into cautious, defensive mode and avoid the wedge”.

In a speech on Wednesday, Evans said the federal government had enough talented top-class ministers “to be a great reform government in the Hawke-Keating tradition”, spending political capital reasonably than hoarding it indefinitely until its value was eroded.

He added, nevertheless, that the federal government had adopted a defensive posture on issues akin to gambling promoting, election financing, census issues, the Makarrata Commission and all constitutional reforms, including those relating to the republic.

“Perhaps the most worrying of all, given the security and sovereignty issues,” was AUKUS, said Evans, who was amongst a gaggle of Labor critics of the deal, including Paul Keating.

“The government’s reward for all this has not been growth but decline in popularity,” Evans said.

He acknowledges that other aspects have also influenced the federal government’s current situation, including concerns about the fee of living and housing availability, which could be difficult for even probably the most competent government to address.

“But one cannot help but feel that more and more individuals are asking, what is that this Labour government all about?

“It is time for the party leadership to regain its drive and say: a prosperous, safe and, above all, decent society, the kind that only a Labour government can deliver.”

Evans served as Minister for Foreign Affairs within the Hawke and Keating governments and held various other positions; he can also be a former Chancellor of the Australian National University. He delivered the Barry Jones Oration in 2024. His speech, titled Looking on the Bright Side: the risks – and rewards – of political optimism, called for maintaining “a spirit of optimism about the art of the possible”.

“If we want to change for the better, maintaining hope is key,” he said.

“Whether we work in governments, parliaments, intergovernmental organizations, academia, think tanks, media, non-governmental organizations, or in influential positions of social responsibility in the private sector, or simply as ordinary citizens with a passion for decency, we must believe that what we do can and will make a difference.”

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Lebanon sees foreign investment soar despite ongoing challenges

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From the start economic crisis in 2019Lebanon has been grappling with a cascade of significant challenges which have drastically modified the day by day lives of its residents. The crisis, triggered by a mixture of economic mismanagement, political corruption, and an unstable regional environment, has led to unprecedented levels of inflation, a drastic devaluation of the Lebanese pound, and a pointy decline within the purchasing power of its population. Daily life has develop into a struggle for a lot of, with basic necessities akin to food, fuel, and medicine becoming increasingly scarce and unattainable.

Contrary winds

The situation was further exacerbated by the prospect of war with Israel, which fueled instability and uncertainty but didn’t discourage domestic and foreign investment. In addition, the devastating explosion on the Beirut port in August 2020 dealt a devastating blow to the economy, destroying much of town’s infrastructure, displacing 1000’s of residents and causing billions of dollars in losses. The explosion also destroyed public trust in the federal government, which was already at low levels because of the ongoing financial crisis.

…and unexpected profits

Yet within the face of those challenges, the Lebanese economy has shown remarkable resilience. published by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) provide compelling evidence of this resilience, evident in the numerous increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into Lebanon.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) refers to an investment made by an organization or individual from one country right into a business interest positioned abroad. Unlike portfolio investment (akin to stocks or bonds), FDI typically involves acquiring an enduring interest in a foreign business, akin to purchasing a major stake or organising operations akin to factories or offices. This sort of investment is meant to achieve direct control or influence over the operations of a foreign business, often resulting in job creation, technology transfer, and economic growth within the host country. In easy terms, FDI is when a foreign entity invests money to assist develop or expand a business abroad.

According to the report, net foreign direct investment inflows into Lebanon increased by 25% in 2023, reaching $582 million, in comparison with $461 million in 2022. This increase demonstrates Lebanon’s continued attractiveness as a fertile ground for entrepreneurship and investment, particularly within the context of small-scale industries and digital services.

Supporting small industries

Lebanon’s ability to extend the country’s investment attractiveness despite ongoing economic problems will be explained by several aspects.

The country’s entrepreneurial spirit is considered one of its most significant. Known for its dynamic and progressive culture, Lebanese entrepreneurs have been capable of generate significant economic activity and attract international investors – evidence of their confidence in Lebanon’s growth potential even in difficult times.

Another key factor is the lively role of the Lebanese diaspora. Many successful Lebanese expatriates reinvest of their homeland, particularly in smaller-scale industries, typically with limited capital, fewer staff, and native or area of interest markets. These industries include artisanal food and goods production, handicrafts, tech startups and digital services, eco-tourism and hospitality, and renewable energy. These areas are seeing significant investment because of lower capital requirements and high growth prospects. The link between expatriates and domestic economic activity creates a continuous flow of capital, know-how, and market connections.

Small industries and digital services have also emerged as leading sectors in Lebanon’s economic recovery, attracting significant foreign investment because of their adaptability and innovation. Small industries profit from Lebanon’s expert workforce and strategic location, while digital services thrive on the country’s high web penetration, estimated to 93% in 2024

This indicates that the amount of inward FDI into Lebanon increased by 24% in 2023, reaching roughly USD 655 million, in comparison with USD 527 million in 2022. This figure represents roughly 0.86% of the whole inward FDI within the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region and 0.05% of the worldwide inward FDI.

This increase stands out particularly within the context of the worldwide decline in foreign direct investment (FDI), which decreased by 2% in 2023, reaching a complete of about USD 1.33 trillion in comparison with about USD 1.36 trillion in 2022. The decline in global FDI underlines the importance of Lebanon’s performance, pointing to its ability to draw investment even within the face of contraction in global investment flows.

Lebanon’s Appeal

The surprising growth in FDI in Lebanon is because of several key aspects. Government efforts to draw investors are among the many important ones, with various reforms aimed toward improving the business environment. These include improvements to the regulatory framework and incentives aimed toward making Lebanon a more attractive place for foreign investors.

Lebanon’s location is after all one other key factor. Situated on the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa, the country offers firms the chance to ascertain a presence in Syria’s fertile crescent.

In addition, Lebanon highly educated and multilingual staff increases the country’s investment attractiveness. The country’s universities and academic institutions proceed to supply graduates with the talents needed to thrive in today’s economy.

Finally, Lebanon’s wealthy cultural heritage and historical links with various regions world wide may explain its appeal as an investment destination. These long-standing links facilitate strong international partnerships and cooperation.

As Lebanon charts a course for recovery, continued support and confidence from international investors shall be crucial. The growing inflow of foreign direct investment not only demonstrates the country’s economic resilience, but in addition provides a foundation for sustainable growth and development within the years to return. However, it will be important to do not forget that the economic situation in Lebanon can be linked to the geopolitical situation within the Middle East.

Law on the Protection of Civilians in Syria

The effects of the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, commonly generally known as the Caesar Act, are US law passed December 2019The Caesar Act imposes sweeping sanctions on the Syrian government, in addition to any individuals or entities that support the regime, akin to foreign firms, financial institutions, and government officials. The act also targets sectors key to the Syrian economy, including construction, energy, and finance.

The Caesar Act has had serious, disastrous repercussions for Lebanon’s economy, which is closely tied to Syria’s economy. The sanctions restrict Lebanese firms from engaging in trade or financial transactions with Syrian entities, resulting in reduced trade, disruption of supply chains, and increased economic uncertainty. Given Lebanon’s geographic proximity and historical economic ties to Syria, these sanctions have further strained Lebanon’s economy, which is already battling its own financial crisis.

Lebanon’s ability to draw and retain foreign direct investment despite its difficult economic situation underlines the country’s potential and ongoing efforts to make it a beautiful country for investors.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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