When Hezbollah fighters in Lebanon used a whole bunch of pagers exploded Almost concurrently, on September 17, a series of unprecedented events began within the Middle East. Twelve people died and greater than 2,000 were injured.
A second wave of explosions occurred the subsequent day, this time via walkie-talkies. Explosions killed one other 20 people and injured greater than 400 people. There is consensus that small explosive charges were placed in each device in some unspecified time in the future during or shortly after the manufacturing process.
Meanwhile, Lebanon was in turmoil. Fear flourished on this nebulous atmosphere, with (thus far unfounded) rumours that extraordinary mobile phones were also being targeted. This led some to removing the battery out of your iPhones or exchange their Lebanese SIM cards to international ones.
After the initial attacks, each Hezbollah leaders and Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati, he was in a rush to blame Israel. Hezbollah already he swore revenge to perform the attack, although the compromising effects of such a large penetration of its security apparatus mustn’t be underestimated.
As a gaggle that prides itself on its secret security and communications system – one he protects in any respect costs – Hezbollah clearly decided months ago use low-tech solutions to their advantage within the fight against Israel’s highly advanced technological and cyber capabilities.
The logic is evident and well-proven: a pager is far harder to track and far less likely to be hacked than a cellphone. In fact, the group’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, urged his followers in February to stop using their phones and quit access to the Internet, telling them every phone call “is a mortal threat.”
Israel has not officially claimed responsibility for the attack. But it might make sense for the Israelis to have dealt such a deep blow to Hezbollah’s communications system before – or during – the invasion of southern Lebanon, because they’d have benefited from confusion and surprise.
This view is shared by former Israeli general Amir Avivi, who was quoted as if he said: “Don’t do something like that, don’t kill thousands of people and don’t think that war is not coming… Israel is ready for war.”
On the verge of war
The war between the 2 sides has been brewing for months, with tensions rising periodically. As a researcher of contemporary Lebanese politics, my view until now was that neither side planned the war.
Hezbollah has squandered too many seemingly favorable opportunities to launch an all-out war. These include: attempt Hamas deputy chief Saleh al-Arouri in January in southern Beirut, Israel attack on Iranian consulate in Damascus in April, and most recently the killing of a senior Hezbollah commander Fu’ad Shukr in July.
But now things seem completely different. Nasrallah he has already declared that “there will be a reckoning.” And while he has promised similar retribution for previous attacks, a humiliation of this scale could thoroughly push Hezbollah to raise the stakes even further.
Meanwhile, Israel shows no signs of backing down. Israeli attacks proceed. hit Hezbollah targets within the south, while jet planes flew over the Lebanese capital Nasrallah delivered his latest threats.
Wael Hamzeh / EPA
There are greater than two sides to this conflict. Lebanon itself must operate under dual leadership, and the federal government’s official response should be separate from Hezbollah’s.
For example, Mikati has he called for national unity as “the strongest response to the attack on Lebanon and its people.” And his foreign minister was much more explicit in his words“There is no doubt that this is a terrifying moment and we fear the coming war because we do not want war.”
What Lebanese civilians want
Most Lebanese residents have consistently said they haven’t any desire for war since October 2023. Recent polls indicate that this sense persists.
But this latest attack could change things. Surveys conducted over the past two years indicate that there was a slight increase in positive perceptions of Hezbollah’s regional policies among the many Lebanese.
And if, as polls suggest, this shift is probably going the result of growing hostility toward Israel because the starting of the Gaza war, the newest attacks will only push the difficulty further.
Of course, there are nuances to these attitudes. Most people in Lebanon seem to remember that the fate of the country shouldn’t be of their hands, and that Hezbollah, Israel and other international actors hold the keys to an all-out conflict.
This has led to a general sense of hopelessness in Lebanon that has been growing since 2019. As a result, only 13% of respondents “I think the situation will improve in the next two or three years.”
Things are quite different across the border in Israel. According to a survey conducted by Israel Democracy Institute in August, only 25% of Israelis thought their country should “refrain from attacking Lebanon’s infrastructure.” In fact, 42% said Israel should “launch a deep attack on Lebanon.”
One would expect that the attack on Hezbollah communications can be welcomed by those that expected a tougher, deeper operation from the Israeli government. Israeli authorities will even undoubtedly hope that the attacks can sow some frustration in Lebanese society against Hezbollah.
But it hasn’t worked thus far. And the attacks, which appear to have killed more civilians than Hezbollah fighters and will constitute a war crime, can have left the Lebanese indignant and victimized.
In the meantime, the world can only wait to see what happens next. For its part, the United States that explained it doesn’t support the war and if reports are to be believed, he doesn’t think an invasion by Israel is inevitable.
