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China’s balance regarding the Russian invasion of Ukraine has been clarified

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What is behind China’s position on Russia and the war in Ukraine?

The President of China, Xi Jinping, he said on March 8 that he “felt pain”.” to see how “the flames of war were rekindled in Europe.” However, China is reserved in criticizing Russia.

The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on February 28, 2022 described China as one of Russia’s key remaining friendsand Moscow will hope that Beijing will proceed to supply rhetorical and substantive assistance.

Beijing shall be sensitive to Western attempts increase tension in the relationshipand Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi recently described associations with Moscow as “rock solid”. He added that China and Russia “will always maintain strategic focus and steadily advance our comprehensive strategic coordination partnership for a new era.”

China has fastidiously ensured that its own media stays pro-Russian and even reposted fake ones Russian state media reports.

However, the invasion of Ukraine is problematic for Beijing. It is unclear what economic aid China might provide to Russia. And the Chinese government is not going to put the country’s own financial interests in danger threatened in any significant solution to help Russia avoid sanctions.

Meanwhile, China can also be in search of to take care of its popularity as a responsible stakeholder and protect its economic, trade and political ties with Europe. Xi is at the heart of this met along with his German and French counterparts on March 8, 2022 to debate a diplomatic solution to the war in Ukraine.

Beijing’s balancing act – visible in its decision to abstain from voting from the UN Security Council’s vote condemning the invasion – will change into increasingly difficult as the fighting drags on, especially as the Russian army resorts to much more brutal methods and the Russian economy continues to deteriorate.

What was Beijing’s response to the sanctions imposed on Russia?

Beijing has was critical of Western sanctions against Russia, and definitely doesn’t want an entire collapse of the Russian economy. Such an consequence could contribute to instability in a neighboring country that Beijing considers a vital strategic partner.

However, to this point China has been in no hurry to supply economic support to the Russian Federation. China may be very at risk of secondary sanctions – penalties imposed on institutions linked to the country as part of primary sanctions – and it’s price noting that some Chinese financial institutions have begun they distance themselves from the Russian economy.

Meanwhile, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, a development bank established by China and through which it holds 27% of the votes, stopped operations in Belarus and Russia in protest against the invasion of Ukraine.

Time will tell whether China will use creative, less visible methods to assist the Russian economy in a way that will not expose its larger institutions to the risk of being accused of violating sanctions.

Beijing can also be more likely to draw conclusions about its potential vulnerability to sanctions should China, like Russia, ever provoke large-scale economic penalties from the West.

What role does anti-Western sentiment play in China-Russia relations?

Russia and China survived a long time of rivalry and hostility throughout much of the Cold War. But rapprochement, which has been a long time in the making, has gained momentum in recent times, partly based on opposition to the West.

The governments of each countries have similarly negative views about America’s role in Europe and Asia. They also share A aversion to Western democracy and the desire to influence global public opinion more favorable towards autocracy.

But Washington just isn’t the only factor that unites them. In the first decade of the twenty first century, Russia and China finally completely resolved the long-standing territorial dispute over their common border. Both countries are also trading partners: Russia sells weapons, gas and oil to China, and China supplies investment and consumer goods.

Close ties have been reflected at the highest level, with Putin and Xi developing a private relationship that they’re desperate to showcase to the world. In July 2021, Wang, Minister of Foreign Affairs of China, described the relations between Moscow and Beijing like every part except alliance, but in addition higher than alliance. And then, in February, Xi and Putin signed a joint declaration presenting common positions on a number of issues.

How significant was this statement, made just before the invasion?

The moment of the joint declaration fell on the eve of the Beijing Olympics, and Putin’s presence at the event contrasted sharply with the absence of Western leaders, many of whom announced a diplomatic boycott.

The document was signed at the height of pre-war tensions around Ukraine and contained statements criticizing the American system of alliances each in Europe and Asia. This specially outlined the two countries’ shared opposition to any “further expansion of NATO”.

There was also some suggestion in Western media that the Chinese were warned against getting into a pact on a Russian invasion of Ukraine. Details of Putin and Xi’s conversation about Ukraine in Beijing usually are not fully known, but the joint statement actually gave Western observers reason to consider that China’s behavior could have helped enable Russian aggression.

Can China play a task in ending the war?

China got here up with an idea play some mediating role, but what exactly this might mean stays unclear. Beijing is widely perceived in the West as too pro-Russian and has no experience in playing such a task in Europe.

There is actually hope that China will put pressure on Russia to finish the conflict. This was announced in March by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Dmytro Kuleba received assurances that “China is interested in stopping this war,” adding: “Chinese diplomacy has enough tools to make a difference and we count on it already being involved.”

Western policymakers have signaled to China that Beijing will bear costs whether it is seen as an enabler of Russia’s continued aggression. And Putin could also be sensitive to any change in Xi’s position. However, China lacks the will and talent to force Russia to back down completely. Both sides have reason to attempt to resolve any tensions that will currently exist.

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This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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International

Will a pager explosion spark an Israel-Hezbollah war?

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The alleged Israeli attack on Hezbollah members via their pagers is one other ominous development that pushes the Middle East toward a full-scale regional war, leaving Hezbollah with few options but to retaliate with the total support of the Iranian-led “resistance axis.”

The sophistication and impact of the pager attack is unprecedented. The attack caused a minimum of 11 deathsincluding some Hezbollah fighters and as much as 3000 people early.

The most important goal of the attack, which was planned by US officials, they supposedly said carried out by Israel, was aimed toward disrupting Hezbollah’s communications and command and control system in Lebanon.

Because Hezbollah has using mobile phones has been restricted by its forces because Israel can easily detect and goal them, pagers have increasingly grow to be the popular messaging tool inside this group.

The attack may have been intended to create panic within the group and among the many Lebanese public, lots of whom don’t support Hezbollahconsidering the political divisions within the country.

Since the Hamas attacks on southern Israel on October 7, Israeli authorities led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have repeatedly said that specified to remove the threat from Hezbollah, which acts in solidarity with Hamas.

Hours before the attack on the Netanyahu government’s pagers explained that Israel’s war goals shall be expanded to incorporate the return of tens of hundreds of residents to their homes in northern Israel, from which they fled incessant Hezbollah rocket fire. Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant has said that the one strategy to try this is thru military motion.

The simultaneous pager explosions on Tuesday could subsequently be a prelude to a broad Israeli offensive against Hezbollah.

Consequences of the war with Hezbollah

Hezbollah has already vowed to retaliate. What form that can take stays to be seen. The group has the military potential to not only bombard northern Israel with drones and missiles, but in addition attack other parts of the Jewish state, including densely populated cities like Tel Aviv.

Hezbollah demonstrated this capability within the 2006 war with Israel. The war lasted 34 days, during which 165 Israelis died (121 IDF soldiers and 44 civilians) and Israel’s economy and tourism industry were significantly damaged. Hezbollah and Lebanese losses were much higher, with a minimum of 1,100 people killed. However, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) didn’t destroy or immobilize Group.

Destroyed buildings on the outskirts of Beirut, Lebanon, following Israeli warplane airstrikes in 2006.
AP

Any successful retaliatory strike on Israeli cities could lead to serious civilian casualties, giving Israel one other pretext to pursue its long-held goal of destroying Hezbollah and punishing its most important sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the broader conflict, the United States has pledged to defend Israel, while Iran would support Hezbollah in any way vital. If Israeli and U.S. leaders consider that Iran will proceed to refrain from any motion that might push it into war with Israel and the U.S., they’re mistaken.

Hezbollah is a central a part of the regime’s national and regional security paradigm. Tehran has invested heavily within the group, as produce other regional affiliates—notably Iraqi militias, the Yemeni Houthis, and the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. The goal of this “axis of resistance” was to construct a strong deterrent against Israel and the United States.



Since its founding 45 years ago, the Iranian regime has viewed Israel and its principal sponsor, the United States, as existential threats, just as Israel viewed Iran in the identical way. To that end, the regime has reoriented its foreign relations toward America’s principal adversaries, notably Russia and China. Russian-Iranian military cooperation has grow to be so strong that Moscow can have no qualms about supporting Iran and its allies in any war.

Tehran is fully aware of Israel’s nuclear potential. To protect itself against it, Iran has developed its own nuclear program threshold level developing weapons. Iranian leaders could also obtain assurances from Russia that it might help defend Iran if Israel resorted to using nuclear weapons.

Meanwhile, it should be remembered that after almost a yr of destroying Gaza and exterminating its inhabitants, Israel has didn’t annihilate Hamas.

His own actions are evidence of this. He has consistently forced Gazans to relocate in order that IDF soldiers can operate in areas they previously deemed freed from militants.

The task of defeating Hezbollah and its supporters could be a much larger goal to realize. It carries with it the grave risk of a war that each one sides say they are not looking for, but for which they’re all preparing.

The pager attack is just the most recent in a series of actions that proceed to threaten the probabilities for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza that might stabilize the region and contribute to peace, not war.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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International

Gareth Evans condemns Labour’s timidity and urges its leaders to ‘regain their fire’

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Former Hawke-Keating cabinet minister Gareth Evans has accused the Albanian government of political timidity, condemning its instinct to “go into cautious, defensive mode and avoid the wedge”.

In a speech on Wednesday, Evans said the federal government had enough talented top-class ministers “to be a great reform government in the Hawke-Keating tradition”, spending political capital reasonably than hoarding it indefinitely until its value was eroded.

He added, nevertheless, that the federal government had adopted a defensive posture on issues akin to gambling promoting, election financing, census issues, the Makarrata Commission and all constitutional reforms, including those relating to the republic.

“Perhaps the most worrying of all, given the security and sovereignty issues,” was AUKUS, said Evans, who was amongst a gaggle of Labor critics of the deal, including Paul Keating.

“The government’s reward for all this has not been growth but decline in popularity,” Evans said.

He acknowledges that other aspects have also influenced the federal government’s current situation, including concerns about the fee of living and housing availability, which could be difficult for even probably the most competent government to address.

“But one cannot help but feel that more and more individuals are asking, what is that this Labour government all about?

“It is time for the party leadership to regain its drive and say: a prosperous, safe and, above all, decent society, the kind that only a Labour government can deliver.”

Evans served as Minister for Foreign Affairs within the Hawke and Keating governments and held various other positions; he can also be a former Chancellor of the Australian National University. He delivered the Barry Jones Oration in 2024. His speech, titled Looking on the Bright Side: the risks – and rewards – of political optimism, called for maintaining “a spirit of optimism about the art of the possible”.

“If we want to change for the better, maintaining hope is key,” he said.

“Whether we work in governments, parliaments, intergovernmental organizations, academia, think tanks, media, non-governmental organizations, or in influential positions of social responsibility in the private sector, or simply as ordinary citizens with a passion for decency, we must believe that what we do can and will make a difference.”

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Lebanon sees foreign investment soar despite ongoing challenges

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From the start economic crisis in 2019Lebanon has been grappling with a cascade of significant challenges which have drastically modified the day by day lives of its residents. The crisis, triggered by a mixture of economic mismanagement, political corruption, and an unstable regional environment, has led to unprecedented levels of inflation, a drastic devaluation of the Lebanese pound, and a pointy decline within the purchasing power of its population. Daily life has develop into a struggle for a lot of, with basic necessities akin to food, fuel, and medicine becoming increasingly scarce and unattainable.

Contrary winds

The situation was further exacerbated by the prospect of war with Israel, which fueled instability and uncertainty but didn’t discourage domestic and foreign investment. In addition, the devastating explosion on the Beirut port in August 2020 dealt a devastating blow to the economy, destroying much of town’s infrastructure, displacing 1000’s of residents and causing billions of dollars in losses. The explosion also destroyed public trust in the federal government, which was already at low levels because of the ongoing financial crisis.

…and unexpected profits

Yet within the face of those challenges, the Lebanese economy has shown remarkable resilience. published by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) provide compelling evidence of this resilience, evident in the numerous increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into Lebanon.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) refers to an investment made by an organization or individual from one country right into a business interest positioned abroad. Unlike portfolio investment (akin to stocks or bonds), FDI typically involves acquiring an enduring interest in a foreign business, akin to purchasing a major stake or organising operations akin to factories or offices. This sort of investment is meant to achieve direct control or influence over the operations of a foreign business, often resulting in job creation, technology transfer, and economic growth within the host country. In easy terms, FDI is when a foreign entity invests money to assist develop or expand a business abroad.

According to the report, net foreign direct investment inflows into Lebanon increased by 25% in 2023, reaching $582 million, in comparison with $461 million in 2022. This increase demonstrates Lebanon’s continued attractiveness as a fertile ground for entrepreneurship and investment, particularly within the context of small-scale industries and digital services.

Supporting small industries

Lebanon’s ability to extend the country’s investment attractiveness despite ongoing economic problems will be explained by several aspects.

The country’s entrepreneurial spirit is considered one of its most significant. Known for its dynamic and progressive culture, Lebanese entrepreneurs have been capable of generate significant economic activity and attract international investors – evidence of their confidence in Lebanon’s growth potential even in difficult times.

Another key factor is the lively role of the Lebanese diaspora. Many successful Lebanese expatriates reinvest of their homeland, particularly in smaller-scale industries, typically with limited capital, fewer staff, and native or area of interest markets. These industries include artisanal food and goods production, handicrafts, tech startups and digital services, eco-tourism and hospitality, and renewable energy. These areas are seeing significant investment because of lower capital requirements and high growth prospects. The link between expatriates and domestic economic activity creates a continuous flow of capital, know-how, and market connections.

Small industries and digital services have also emerged as leading sectors in Lebanon’s economic recovery, attracting significant foreign investment because of their adaptability and innovation. Small industries profit from Lebanon’s expert workforce and strategic location, while digital services thrive on the country’s high web penetration, estimated to 93% in 2024

This indicates that the amount of inward FDI into Lebanon increased by 24% in 2023, reaching roughly USD 655 million, in comparison with USD 527 million in 2022. This figure represents roughly 0.86% of the whole inward FDI within the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region and 0.05% of the worldwide inward FDI.

This increase stands out particularly within the context of the worldwide decline in foreign direct investment (FDI), which decreased by 2% in 2023, reaching a complete of about USD 1.33 trillion in comparison with about USD 1.36 trillion in 2022. The decline in global FDI underlines the importance of Lebanon’s performance, pointing to its ability to draw investment even within the face of contraction in global investment flows.

Lebanon’s Appeal

The surprising growth in FDI in Lebanon is because of several key aspects. Government efforts to draw investors are among the many important ones, with various reforms aimed toward improving the business environment. These include improvements to the regulatory framework and incentives aimed toward making Lebanon a more attractive place for foreign investors.

Lebanon’s location is after all one other key factor. Situated on the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa, the country offers firms the chance to ascertain a presence in Syria’s fertile crescent.

In addition, Lebanon highly educated and multilingual staff increases the country’s investment attractiveness. The country’s universities and academic institutions proceed to supply graduates with the talents needed to thrive in today’s economy.

Finally, Lebanon’s wealthy cultural heritage and historical links with various regions world wide may explain its appeal as an investment destination. These long-standing links facilitate strong international partnerships and cooperation.

As Lebanon charts a course for recovery, continued support and confidence from international investors shall be crucial. The growing inflow of foreign direct investment not only demonstrates the country’s economic resilience, but in addition provides a foundation for sustainable growth and development within the years to return. However, it will be important to do not forget that the economic situation in Lebanon can be linked to the geopolitical situation within the Middle East.

Law on the Protection of Civilians in Syria

The effects of the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, commonly generally known as the Caesar Act, are US law passed December 2019The Caesar Act imposes sweeping sanctions on the Syrian government, in addition to any individuals or entities that support the regime, akin to foreign firms, financial institutions, and government officials. The act also targets sectors key to the Syrian economy, including construction, energy, and finance.

The Caesar Act has had serious, disastrous repercussions for Lebanon’s economy, which is closely tied to Syria’s economy. The sanctions restrict Lebanese firms from engaging in trade or financial transactions with Syrian entities, resulting in reduced trade, disruption of supply chains, and increased economic uncertainty. Given Lebanon’s geographic proximity and historical economic ties to Syria, these sanctions have further strained Lebanon’s economy, which is already battling its own financial crisis.

Lebanon’s ability to draw and retain foreign direct investment despite its difficult economic situation underlines the country’s potential and ongoing efforts to make it a beautiful country for investors.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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