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Jewish summer camps have been thriving for a century, but the summer of 2024 is special

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In 1902, 10-year-old Isidore Itzkowitz accepted a scholarship to an overnight camp in upstate New York. “Izzy,” an orphan raised by his grandmother in the basement of a seedy tenement house, fit the profile of children who Educational Alliancesettlement house, desired to help. animating the idea With his camp was to take working-class Jewish boys away from the hot, crowded streets of the Lower East Side and introduce them to “the great outdoors in a wholesome and beautiful atmosphere away from home.”

Experience deeply affected Itzkowitz, who later became referred to as Eddie Cantor – one of the hottest artists of the mid-Twentieth century.

Publicity photo of Eddie Cantor from “The Colgate Comedy Hour” television show, 1952.
NBC Television/We Hope via Wikimedia Commons

Now called Surprise Lake Campstill sits on the same wooded property Cantor knew in his youth. But the tents and 1902 home have been replaced with state-of-the-art facilities, including a zipline, tennis and pickleball courts, and the Eddie Cantor Theater.

The clientele—and purpose—have also modified. Under Cantor, the camp was all-boys, with directors concerned about Americanization and upward mobility. In 2024, Surprise Lake is coeducational, and while it still offers scholarships, it is geared toward middle- and upper-middle-class families. Most importantly, the camp leans way more heavily on its Jewish identity and values. than it did in the first a long timeincluding Jewish rituals and Hebrew pouring the language.

The Camp Surprise Lake crossing is a symbol broader evolution In Jewish summer camps – one which I’m researching as a scholar of Jewish education. They served different goals over time and have diverse views on every aspect of Jewish faith and culture, including Israel.

This summer, the camps are navigating an uncertain landscape that has been transformed by Hamas Oct 7, 2023, attack and Israel’s response: deciding whether and easy methods to discuss the Gaza war, concerns about anti-Semitism in the U.S., and political debates about Israel.

Jewish camps past and present

Even in the Nineteen Twenties and Nineteen Thirties, Jewish camps were established. variety of flavorsIn addition to the “outdoor” camps equivalent to Surprise Lake, there have been also Jewish culture camps intended for Yiddish AND Zionism – a movement aimed toward creating and consolidating a Jewish homeland and reviving Hebrew culture – in addition to more exclusive camps for children of wealthy families.

The black-and-white photograph shows half a dozen young boys standing inside and around small cars.
Boys waiting to go to camp in St. Paul, Minnesota, 1940.
Jewish Historical Society of the Upper Midwest via Wikimedia Commons

In Forties and Nineteen Fiftiesthe industry grew to serve the growing Jewish middle class. In the aftermath of the Holocaust, which existing Jewish communities in Europe were decimatedSome Jewish Americans viewed summer camps as training grounds for leaders for the next generation. Similarly, Jewish religious movements saw the camp as a tool to revitalize their faiths.

Over the years, Jewish camps have focused on various points of Jewish-American identity, including social justice, environmentalism, the arts, and observance of Jewish rituals. Since Israel’s founding in 1948, many camps have also celebrated its culture. The camps include Hebrew music and Israeli folk dances, pour in Hebrew words equivalent to “boker tov” (good morning) and “ruach” (spirituality) to the camp vocabulary and serve Israeli food in the “chadar ochel” (dining room).

A young man in a blue T-shirt raises his arms up, leading a group of cheering children.
A shout of joy at the Habonim Dror Camp Moshava in Maryland. In Hebrew, every noun has a gender, but the camp tries to make use of a gender-neutral version.
Katherine Frey/The Washington Post via Getty Images

At times, the concentrate on Israel has served as a strategy to cultivate Jewish pride in difficult times. Most American Jews feel acceptance in American society increased in the second half of the Twentieth century as concerns about anti-Semitism He fell silent. But it the sense of security has been shaken persistently – including in 2017Let’s unite the right wingrally in Charlottesville AND the massacre of 2018 on Tree of Life synagogue in pittsburgh.

Difficult landscape

The Hamas attack, the ongoing war in the Gaza Strip and the political debate about the conflict have change into a fact of life. particularly destabilizingIn recent years, most concerns about anti-Semitism have focused on extreme right. But the past 12 months has also exposed anti-Semitism on the far left.

The situation is further complicated by the undeniable fact that support for Israel has change into a bitter source of contention in American Jewish communities, especially amongst younger ones, more progressive Jews.

As with the rise in anti-Semitism, fraying American-Jewish consensus on Israel years have passed in the makingThe change in attitude can’t be separated from the broader political context, including the increasingly illiberal government of Israel.

Although many young Jews remain emotionally attached to Israel, more vocal of their criticism With her politics and skeptical about whether he is really concerned with a just peace with the Palestinians. A big percentage of the protesters at the campus camps last spring were Jewish students motivated partially by their commitment to Jewish values, whilst many other Jewish students reported feeling unsafe.

In the evening, rows of students stand on the sidewalk, praying.
Jewish students and their allies hold a Shabbat service in solidarity with the pro-Palestinian student encampment at George Washington University, April 26, 2024.
Celal Gunes/Anadolu via Getty Images

All this leaves Jewish camps with a significant set of challenges. Part the magic of summer camps is being a “bubble” from the “real world”: a closed, nurturing environment of controlled freedom and play, away from family and faculty, that encourages children to develop through controlled risk-taking. Serious discussions about current events, especially grim ones, can burst that bubble.

When me and my colleagues visited Jewish summer camps in July 2014 during seven-week war between Israel and HamasUnderstandably, staff were reluctant to debate the unfolding events with the children. But the echoes were there. Counsellors were mostly careful to debate the latest news out of earshot of their charges. But at times the tension was palpable.

Today’s dilemma

This summer, the emotional baggage of the past 10 months accompanied young people and staff to camp as surely as their trunks and travel bags.

Some, especially those that have felt isolated of their schools and neighborhoods, could also be desirous to process events with camp friends and trusted elders. Jewish camps in parts of the South and lower Midwest, specifically, often draw campers from small Jewish communities that have few, if any, other Jewish peers and should crave the opportunity to share their feelings. Others undoubtedly enjoy the sanctuary that camp offers and depend on the staff to take care of the bubble.

A woman in a blue blouse is standing and behind her at the table sits a group of teenagers, most of whom are wearing white.
Camp director Sarah Weinberg talks about the weekly Torah parashat at Camp Be’chol Lashon, a camp for Jewish children of color in California.
Photo AP/Jacquelyn Martin

The decision to debate the Israel-Hamas conflict and anti-Semitism also carries other risks. The importance of advisors as role models is indisputable, but they will not be trained teachers or therapists. In July 2014, we regularly encountered counselors who felt unprepared to have dangerous conversations about the conflict, and with good reason. They are frequently highschool and college students, only a few years older than the children they care for, and lots of of them are scuffling with their very own feelings about the war—especially Israelis, whose Jewish camps often hire to enrich the staff.

Like COVID-19 crisisCamps have largely improvised to satisfy the challenges of this summer. But once the season is over, I feel camps might want to reflect and re-evaluate their approach.

It could be good in the event that they consulted with experts who have studied this. How Jewish Children and Teens Understand Israel and conflict. They can also need to reassess the long-term effectiveness of Israel’s “good” programming that obscures or oversimplifies the conflict. As Surprise Lake shows, nonetheless, the camps have proven in the past their ability to adapt without sacrificing their missions.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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What Trump’s victory means for Ukraine, the Middle East, China and the rest of the world

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Donald Trump’s return to the White House in January 2025, combined with the presence of the Republican-led US Senate, was was widely feared amongst international allies and shall be cheered by some of America’s enemies. While the former placed on a brave face, the latter can barely hide their joy.

ON war in UkraineTrump will likely attempt to force Kiev and Moscow to at the least conform to a ceasefire on their current front lines. This could possibly include a everlasting agreement recognizing Russia’s territorial gains, including the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and occupied territories since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

It can also be likely that Trump will accept Russian President Vladimir Putin’s demands stopping Ukraine’s future membership in NATO. Given Trump’s well-known distaste for NATO, it might also put significant pressure on Kiev’s European allies. Trump could once more threaten to desert the alliance to influence Europeans to sign an agreement with Putin on Ukraine.

When it involves Middle EastTrump has been a staunch supporter of Israel and Saudi Arabia in the past. He will likely double down on this, including taking an excellent tougher stance on Iran. This is in step with the current priorities of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Netanyahu appears determined to destroy Iran’s proxies, Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis in Yemen and seriously degrade Iran’s capabilities. By rejection his Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, by criticizing his conduct of the offensive in Gaza, Netanyahu laid the foundations for the continuation of the conflict in that country.

It can also be preparing for an expanded offensive in Lebanon and a potentially devastating attack on Iran in response to further actions Iranian attack on Israel.

Trump’s election will embolden Netanyahu to act. And this, in turn, would also strengthen Trump’s position towards Putin, who relies on Iran’s support in his war in Ukraine. Trump could offer to limit Netanyahu in the future as a bargaining chip against Putin in his game to secure an agreement on Ukraine.

Move to China

Although Ukraine and the Middle East are two areas where changes are looming, relations with China will almost certainly be characterised by continuity relatively than change. With relations with China perhaps the key strategic challenge in U.S. foreign policy, the Biden administration has continued many of the policies adopted by Trump during his first term, and Trump will likely double down on them in his second term.

The Trump White House is more likely to raise import tariffs, and it has done so he talked loads about using them to attack China. But Trump is equally more likely to be open to pragmatic transaction deals with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Trump has said he’ll impose sanctions on China, but he may also likely prefer a realistic approach to relations with China.
Newscom/Alamy Live

As in relations with European allies in NATO, a serious query mark hangs over Trump’s involvement in the so-called defense of Taiwan and other treaty allies in Asia, including the Philippines, South Korea and potentially Japan. Trump is at best indifferent to American security guarantees.

But as his on-and-off relationship with North Korea during his first term showed, Trump is typically willing to accomplish that push the envelope dangerously near war. This happened in 2017 in response to North Korea’s intercontinental ballistic missile test.

The unpredictability of the Pyongyang regime makes one other such close encounter just as likely as Trump’s unpredictability makes it conceivable that he would accept a nuclear-armed North Korea as part of a broader agreement with Russia, which has forged increasingly closer relations with Kim Jong-un’s regime.

This would give Trump additional influence over China, which was the case anxious on account of growing relations between Russia and North Korea.

Preparations for the Trump White House

Friends and foes alike plan to make use of the remaining months before Trump returns to the White House to try to enhance their standing and tackle issues that will be harder once he takes office.

Anticipating Trump’s push to finish wars in Ukraine and the Middle East will likely result in intensified fighting there to create a establishment that various sides say shall be more acceptable to them. This doesn’t bode well for the humanitarian crises which are already mounting in each regions.

An increase in tension on and around the Korean Peninsula cannot even be ruled out. Pyongyang will likely want this increase its credibility with much more missile – and potentially nuclear – tests.

Donald Trump shakes hands with Kim Jong-un
Loose guns? Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un meet in the demilitarized zone between North Korea and South Korea, June 2019.
EPA-EFE/KCNA

Intensifying fighting in Europe and the Middle East and tensions in Asia are also more likely to strain relations between the United States and its allies in all three regions. There is fear in Europe that Trump may strike deals with Russia over the heads of its EU and NATO allies and threaten to desert them.

This would undermine the durability of any Ukrainian (or, more broadly, European) agreement with Moscow. Relative dismal condition European defense capabilities and the declining credibility of the US nuclear umbrella wouldn’t only help encourage Putin to further his imperial ambitions after securing an agreement with Trump.

In the Middle East, Netanyahu can be completely unrestrained. And yet, while some Arab regimes may cheer on Israel striking Iran and Iranian proxies, they’ll accomplish that worry about the response on the difficult situation of the Palestinians. Without solving this age-old problem, stability in the region, let alone peace, shall be almost unimaginable.

In Asia, the challenges are different. In this case, the problem is less about US withdrawal and more about unpredictable and potentially unmanageable escalation. Under Trump’s rule, it’s rather more likely that the US and China will find it difficult to flee the so-called Thucydides trap – the inevitability of war between a dominant but declining power and its emerging rival.

This raises the query of whether U.S. alliances in the region are secure in the long run, or whether some of its partners, reminiscent of Indonesia and India, will consider realigning with China.

All of this means, at best, more uncertainty and instability – not only after Trump’s inauguration, but additionally in the months leading as much as that date.

At worst, this may prove to be the undoing of Trump’s self-proclaimed infallibility. But before he and his team realized that geopolitics was more complicated than real estate, they might have began the same chaos they accused Biden and Harris of.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Why did ancient Mesopotamians use sheep liver to predict Donald Trump’s electoral probabilities?

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I stand within the basement kitchen and poke on the sheep’s liver, in search of marks on its smooth surface. People are flocking to film the proceedings because I’m here to ask the query everyone wants answered: Will Donald Trump win the US election?

I follow instructions that were first written down by the ancient Babylonians 4,000 years ago and which have survived to this present day. Every wrinkle within the liver has a meaning, and cuneiform tablets discovered in modern-day Iraq explain how to interpret them.

Armed with this information, it is feasible to calculate the reply to any query, provided it’s yes or no, by adding up the variety of positive or negative signs and seeing which one comes out on top.

Since this liver contained an amazing variety of bad omens, I he stated that this time she said “no” to Trump. Although in 2016 this method he predicted victory long before he won the Republican nomination, and in 2020 he predicted that he wouldn’t be re-elected this yr.

Will Trump win the US elections?

What began as a fun conversation at a university open day has since turn out to be a serious part my research – not because I sincerely imagine in it, but since it gives us a few of the earliest evidence in history of how humans reason and think.

Looking at livers also allows us to draw serious conclusions about how people have handled uncertainty throughout history and proceed to struggle with it today. People have developed techniques as diverse as astrology, tarot cards, and even gut-searching in response to the agony of not knowing or the strain of creating a difficult decision.

Given the extent of feeling invested on this election, this can be a unique moment by which perhaps we are able to appreciate that on this respect we aren’t that different from those that lived 1000’s of years ago, even when our methods of looking into the long run are different .

I’m asking in regards to the insides

Developed in its classical form in Babylon, visceral divination was practiced throughout ancient Mesopotamia, with recorded history dating from the third millennium BC to the first century AD

This had enormous significance across all levels of society – it was a typical a part of the political decision-making process on the royal court, but was open to all. Budget options were even available for many who couldn’t afford a sheep.

People addressed their questions directly to the gods and believed that the moment they asked the reply could be written on their insides. This can then be “read” by a diviner trained on this esoteric language.

Map of Mesopotamia, a historical region of recent Iraq.
aipsidtr / Shutterstock

The British Museum has an archive of real questions asked by the king of Assyria (a kingdom in northern Mesopotamia) within the seventh century BC. All sorts of matters of state were placed before the gods. Will the Egyptians attack? Has the enemy taken over the besieged city? Will the governors return home safely?

Reading the archive, one gets the sensation that one’s nerves are on a knife’s edge because the king waits for news from afar, wanting to know what has happened to his soldiers and trying to resolve what to do next.

He not only asked them about what would occur in the long run, but in addition consulted with them about possible courses of motion. Should the Assyrian army enter the war? Should the king send a messenger to make peace? Asking the gods for his or her opinion would help him feel more confident in his next steps.

The Babylonians had no selections. However, this did not mean that the king could do whatever he wanted. It was vital to his public image that the gods were on his side, in addition to to his own self-confidence.

Each time a robust official was appointed, the entrails were read to make sure the gods’ acceptance. The army commander, high priests, and other vital positions were subject to this requirement. On one occasion, even the selection of the crown prince – and subsequently the long run king of Assyria – was put to the test.

The interpretation of the viscera was done with almost scientific standards of accuracy. Diviners worked in pairs or groups of up to 11 people, checking one another’s work to ensure they did it right. This was not a vague or murky process, but an actual attempt to ensure “accuracy” that might not be manipulated to get the reply the king wanted to hear.

Modern forecasting

We all want to know what the long run holds, and we have provide you with ingenious ways to discover, from opinion polls and data modeling to Paul the octopuswho became famous for selecting the winners of soccer matches throughout the 2010 World Cup. But are our methods really higher than looking contained in the sheep?

As all investors caution, past performance isn’t any guarantee of future performance. However, the one data we have now for our predictions is from the past, and most of our models don’t account for “unknown unknowns.”

As many experts have learned, predicting the long run is a difficult business: Polls can lie and other people can change their minds, while economists were often blindsided by sudden crashes.



Clay liver used for divination in ancient Mesopotamia.
Babylonian clay liver used for divination in Mesopotamia between 2050 and 1750 BC.
Collection of the Science Museum group, CC BY-NC-ND

Since liver reading only answers “yes” or “no”, it would be correct 50% of the time, according to the law of averages. Despite its randomness, the success rate can have seemed convincing on the time.

And once we trust the authority of the source, it is simple to discover a way to explain a mistaken result – the prediction got to the halfway point, answered a unique query, or would have been right if x hadn’t happened.

We shouldn’t be blind to the weaknesses of our own methods. We are sometimes mistaken, and the Babylonians may sometimes be right.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Israel’s ban on UNRWA continues the politicization of aid for Palestinian refugees and puts the lives of millions of people at risk

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The vote of the Israeli Parliament on October 28, 2024 on the ban on the operation of the UN agency providing assistance to Palestinian refugees is prone to they affect millions of people – this also matches the pattern.

Aid for refugees, particularly Palestinian refugees, has long been politicized, and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) has been a goal throughout its 75-year history.

This was seen earlier in the current conflict in Gaza, when at least a dozen countries, including the US, suspended funding for UNRWAciting Israel’s allegations that 12 UNRWA employees participated in the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023. In August, the UN dismissed nine UNRWA employees for his alleged involvement in the attack. Independent UN panel established a set of 50 recommendations ensuring that UNRWA staff respect the principle of neutrality.

The vote in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, to ban UNRWA goes a step further. When it enters into force, it can prevent UNRWA from operating in Israel and will seriously impact its ability to serve refugees in any of the occupied territories controlled by Israel, including Gaza. It could have devastating consequences for livelihoods, health, distribution of food aid and education for Palestinians. It would also derail the polio vaccination campaign conducted by UNRWA and its partner organizations carrying out in Gaza from September. Finally, the bill prohibits communications between Israeli officials and UNRWA, which is able to end the agency’s efforts to coordinate the movement of aid employees to stop inadvertent targeting by the Israel Defense Forces.

Help for refugees, and more broadly, humanitarian aid, is theoretically alleged to be neutral and impartial. But as experts in emigration AND international relationswe all know that financing is commonly used as a foreign policy tool through which allies are rewarded and enemies are punished. In this context, we imagine that Israel’s ban on UNRWA is an element of a broader pattern of politicization of aid for refugees, especially Palestinian refugees.

What is UNRWA?

UNRWA, short for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, was created two years after roughly 750,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled from their homes in the months leading as much as the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 and the subsequent Arab–Arab War. Israeli.

Palestinians flee their homes during the Arab-Israeli war in 1948.
Photos from the History/Universal Images group via Getty Images

Before the creation of UNRWA, international and local organizations, many of them religious, provided services to displaced Palestinians. But then extreme poverty research and the dire situation prevailing in the refugee camps, the UN General Assembly, including all Arab states and Israel, voted to create UNRWA in 1949.

Since then UNRWA is the predominant aid organization providing food, medical care, education and, in some cases, housing for the 6 million Palestinians living in five areas: Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, in addition to the areas that make up the occupied Palestinian territories: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

The mass displacement of Palestinians – often called the Nakba, or “catastrophe” – had occurred before 1951 Refugee Conventionwhich defined refugees as any person having a well-founded fear of persecution in reference to “events which took place in Europe before 1 January 1951”. Despite 1967 Protocol extending the definition around the world, Palestinians proceed to be excluded from the predominant international refugee protection system.

Although UNRWA is responsible for providing services to Palestine refugees, the United Nations also established the UN Conciliation Commission on Palestine in 1948 to hunt long-term political solution and “facilitating the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of refugees and the payment of compensation.”

As a result, UNRWA doesn’t have a mandate to push for traditional durable solutions available in other refugee situations. As it happens, the reconciliation commission lasted only a couple of years and has since been sidelined in favor of US-brokered peace processes.

Is UNRWA political?

UNRWA was topic since its inception, and especially during times of heightened tensions between Palestinians and Israelis, to opposing political winds.

Although it’s a UN organization and due to this fact seemingly apolitical, it is definitely so often criticized by Palestinians, Israelis, and donor countries, including the United States, for political activities.

UNRWA has government functions in its five domains, including education, health and infrastructure, but its mandate is proscribed to political or security-related activities.

Palestine’s initial objections to UNRWA stemmed from the organization’s early focus on the economic integration of refugees in host countries.

Although UNRWA officially joined the UN General Assembly Resolution 194 which called for the return of Palestinian refugees to their homes, the UN, the UK and the US officials searched measures to enable the resettlement and integration of Palestinians into host countries, seeing this as a helpful political solution to the situation of Palestinian refugees and the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In this sense, Palestinians perceived UNRWA as highly political and actively working against their interests.

In later a long time UNRWA modified the predominant focus from work to education under pressure from Palestinian refugees. But there have been UNRWA educational materials watched by Israel as an additional boost to the Palestinian militia, and the Israeli government insisted on checking and approving all material in Gaza and the West Bank, which it has occupied since 1967.

A woman holds a poster saying
A protester is removed by Capitol Police officers during a House hearing on January 30, 2024.
Alex Wong/Getty Images

While Israel does long suspected UNRWA’s role in refugee camps and providing education, the operation of an internationally funded organization, also saves Israel has millions of dollars annually in services it might be required to supply as an occupying power.

Since the Nineteen Sixties, this has been done by the United States – UNRWA’s predominant donor – and other Western countries they’ve repeatedly expressed their desire using aid to stop radicalization amongst refugees.

In response to the increased presence of armed opposition groups, The United States added a provision to UNRWA aid in 1970, requiring that “UNRWA take all possible measures to be certain that no part of the United States contribution is used to supply assistance to any refugee who’s undergoing military training as a member of the so-called Palestine Liberation Movement Army (PLA) or every other guerrilla-type organization.”

UNRWA complies with this requirement, even publishing an annual list of its staff in order that host governments can confirm them, but in addition employs 30,000 peoplethe overwhelming majority of whom are Palestinians.

Questions about UNRWA’s links with any militia led to the formation of Israeli and international militias viewing groups that document the social media activity of the organization’s large Palestinian staff.

In 2018, the Trump administration suspended its implementation $60 million payment to UNRWA. Trump claimed the pause would put political pressure on the Palestinians to barter. President Joe Biden resumed US contributions to UNRWA in 2021.

While other major donors restored UNRWA funding following the conclusion of an investigation in April, the United States still to do that.

“Immediate Disaster”

Israel’s ban on UNRWA will leave already ravenous Palestinians without relief. UN Secretary General António Guterres he said, banning UNRWA “It would be a disaster in the face of an already incomparable disaster.” The foreign ministers of Canada, Australia, France, Germany, Japan, South Korea and the United Kingdom issued the regulation joint statement arguing that a ban would have “devastating consequences for the already critical and rapidly deteriorating humanitarian situation, especially in the northern Gaza Strip.”

There have been reports Israeli plans for private security firms to take over the distribution of aid in Gaza through dystopian “gated communities” that may effectively be internment camps. This can be a disturbing move. Unlike UNRWA, private contractors have little experience delivering aid and are usually not committed to humanitarian principles neutrality, impartiality or independence.

However, an explicit ban issued by the Knesset may unintentionally force the United States to suspend arms transfers to Israel. American law requires it to stop arms transfers to any country that obstructs the delivery of U.S. humanitarian aid. And the US interruption in UNRWA funding was alleged to be only temporary.

UNRWA is the predominant conduit for aid to Gaza, and the Knesset’s ban clearly shows that the Israeli government is stopping aid from being delivered, making it harder for Washington to disregard it. Before the bill was passed, US Department of State spokesman Matt Miller he warned it “Adoption of the legislation could have implications for U.S. law and policy.”

Two U.S. government agencies at the same time previously alerted Biden administration that Israel obstructed aid to Gaza, yet arms transfers proceed.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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