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About the difficulties of being a world citizen

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To say that the idea of ​​a world government has been met with mixed reviews can be an understatement, to say the least. Many people dismiss this concept out of hand as a utopian fantasy or a recipe for dictatorship by misunderstood elites bent on world domination.

Even those that lie awake at night worrying about black helicopters and what happens in smoke-filled rooms stuffed with powerful special interests are quite rightly concerned about democratic accountability.

At a historic moment when democratic institutions around the world are experiencing a crisis of legitimacy and are being undermined by a rising tide of populism and xenophobia, arguing for world government is consequently becoming increasingly difficult.

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The most promising example of institutionalized international cooperation now we have ever seen – the European Union – is in crisis and has develop into synonymous with dysfunction. Great Britain’s ill-advised decision to depart the EU only reinforces the belief that such projects have definitely left the historical agenda.

Paradoxically, nevertheless, some of the smartest people in the world proceed to argue that world government will not be only desirable, but is in truth a functional necessity that may inevitably be realized. The only query is when.

An off-the-cuff observer may very well be forgiven for feeling a little confused. Even those of us with a skilled interest in such matters can succumb to bouts of acute cognitive dissonance as we try to grasp what we – on this case, the human race – must do to survive in a civilized manner.

The reality is that some problems, reminiscent of climate change, simply can’t be solved by the isolated “communities of fate” which have dominated politics and governance for the last 4 or five hundred years.

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The proven fact that all of us live inside the boundaries set by states is one of the hallmarks of modern political life. And this also determines existential diversity. Those born in Victorian Britain thought that they had won the lottery of life – or a minimum of those of the upper classes did.

Even now, individuals are willing to risk their lives to get to the “West” with its hidden promise of wealth, peace and social stability. It’s not hard to see why.

Some would say that this has all the time been the case: throughout history, life has all the time been difficult and unsure for a lot of – perhaps most – of the human race. Indeed, a compelling argument could be made that we, as humans, have collectively never had it so good.

Yet this relatively abstract way of eager about the human condition offers no more comfort to the people of Syria than to those in Sydney. For those of us fortunate enough to reside in such privileged enclaves of peace and prosperity, the query is whether or not now we have obligations beyond our borders.

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Do now we have a duty to care about the fate of strangers whom we are going to never meet and whose lives appear only fleetingly, if in any respect, on our television screens?

On some level, the answer is clearly no. Unless you may have some religious belief that obliges you to care about the welfare of your neighbor, nobody can force us to care. It’s true that it’s a bit tiring to see kids blowing up night after night, but you may all the time literally and figuratively switch off.

But even when we adopt this quite comprehensible approach to problems about which we are able to do little, they are going to not disappear from the global political agenda and even from our consciousness. The fact is that we’re stuck with them.

The world truly is far more connected, interdependent and interactive than ever before. What happens in a single part of the world can really have an effect on one other part – even whether it is just an increasingly futile effort to isolate one part of the world from the problems of the other.

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It is because of the global nature of many problems that some consider that world government, or a minimum of an increasingly effective process of global governance, have to be part of the way we conduct human affairs, nevertheless unlikely this will likely seem in principle.

It can also be becoming increasingly clear that even relatively trivial political issues reminiscent of taxes develop into unattainable to unravel without a high level of international cooperation beyond national borders.

However, even when we accept that transnational cooperation is a must to realize effective governance on every little thing from climate change to disaster relief to the management of countless areas of economic and social life, this is definitely much easier said, effectively and without controversy, than done .

Not only will some participants inevitably profit more from such initiatives than others, but some states also remain steadfastly against the very idea of ​​anything that undermines national sovereignty.

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In East Asia, where I do most of my research, states have a long history of jealousy in protecting national sovereignty and little enthusiasm for the kind of cooperation that characterised the European Union in its heyday.

Indeed, many in Asia feel vindicated by what has recently happened to the EU and browse it as a warning about elite hubris relatively than the most vital attempt yet to transcend narrow national interests in pursuit of a more cosmopolitan common cause.

For international politics students like me, that is a real problem on each an mental and private level. Part of me thinks the case for greater international cooperation in the face of global problems is solely overwhelming and obvious.

But I’m also very accustomed to the empirical and historical records of Asia; it has created entrenched ideological and institutional obstacles to raised cooperation that may likely not be overcome in my lifetime – which is, understandably, the important focus of my attention.

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So what should those of us who would love closer cooperation do in the face of such seemingly insurmountable, institutionalized obstacles? One answer may very well be to follow Antonio Gramsci, who said he was “a pessimist because of his intelligence, but an optimist because of his will.”

The development of forms of global citizenship, world government, and shared consciousness seem inherently unlikely at this historical moment. However, belief in the possibility of change is important, if just for our mental well-being.

(An earlier version of this text appeared on the Global Government Research Networklink text)

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International

The call of the PKK leader to disarm fuels the hope of ending the Kurdish conflict – but the peace is not close

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Abdullah Öcalan, imprisoned leader of the forbidden Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has He called a bunch disarm and dissolve. In a letter read by his political allies in Istanbul in Turkey, on February 27, he wrote: “I am taking historical responsibility for this call … All groups must lie down on weapons, and PKK must dissolve.”

Two days later, the PKK Executive Committee declared the suspension of the weapon to the armed fight with the Turkish state. Conflict that began in 1984 In order to establish an independent Kurdish state in response to the state of the state, he demanded the lives of over 40,000 people and displaced tons of of hundreds of others.

Öcalan was imprisoned on the island south of Istanbul since 1999, when He was captured by Turkish security forces in Kenya. But he remained the leader of the PKK and maintained his strong cult of personality amongst the Kurdish Freedom Movement.

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He was a force behind the passage of PKK from its separatist goals in 2000. He argued that the dissolution of Kurdish issue in the Middle East concerned greater autonomy and Kurdish laws through the idea “Democratic confederalism”Built on pillars of direct democracy, not a nation -state model.

In your list Öcalan repeated this argument. The last 200 years of capitalist modernity for breaking the alliance between Kurds and Turks. And he emphasized the importance of a very democratic society and political space for an enduring solution to the Kurdish fight.

The letter of Öcalan turned mainly to the Turkish public and international community and was probably “approved” by the Turkish state. As such, it was somewhat short, sometimes unclear and did not propose an in depth framework with a peaceful process between Turkey and PKK.

But after reading the letter Öcalana, Sırrı Süreya Önder, a member of the Pro-Kurd party of the Comparative Party and Democracy (DEM), shared with journalists with additional attention Öcalan.

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Öcalan he apparently said: “Undoubtedly, in practice, the location of weapons and PKK solution require the recognition of democratic policy and legal framework.” This point suggests that Öcalan’s call for disarmament is only the starting of a protracted trial to end the conflict.

PKK announced that so as to break down and the solution, Öcalan must personally lead this congress. This indicates the expectation that Öcalan will gain some freedom to communicate and manage the process.

Members of the Delegation of the Equality and Democracy of the Pro Kurds at a press conference, at which a letter from Öcalan was read, wherein he called the group to position weapons and solution.
Erd Sahin / EPA

Support for the solution

Leading characters from several pro-heal groups have He accepted the order with satisfaction To disarm PKK. This included Mazloum Abdi, commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Salih Muslim, a former co -chairman of the Democratic Union (PYD) party in Syria.

Öcalan’s call also received support from the international community. This applies to the USA and Great Britain, which, other than many other nations, recognizes PKK as a terrorist organization. On February 27, USD National Security Council spokesman Brian Hughes said CNN that the commercial was “significant development”, which “in our opinion will help bring peace in this restless region.”

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Perhaps, most significantly, the announcement was Öcalana welcomed almost unanimously by political parties in Turkey. Only the ultra-nationalist parties Dobro and victory oppose the call to solve PKK, perceiving all negotiations with the group as exposing national integrity.

But despite this vital step towards the room, it is difficult to see the inevitable ending of the Kurdish fight in Turkey. The party of justice and development (AKP) and the nationalist movement, which ruled Turkey since 2023. Continuation democratic sphere.

Have replaced by chosen Kurdish mayors with state officials, while imprisoning democratically elected Kurdish politicians. And people in the media, civil society and other democratic movements, similar to the Democratic Congress of the People, criminalized and detained.

At the same time, Türkiye considers SDF and other Kurdish organizations, similar to people protection people (YPG) and PYD for branches of PKK. He supported his militia forces in Syria, the Syrian National Army, to stop the Kurdish autonomous region on its border before reaching political status, recognizing him as a direct threat to national security.

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The President of Turkey, Rep Tayyip Erdoğan, warned PKK about further actions if the disarmament process was stopped. In the post on October 1, Erdoğan wrote: “If the promises are not preserved … such as delay, fraud, change of names … We will continue our operations, if necessary until we eliminate the last terrorist.”

This signals the Turkish expectation that they need all groups which might be related to PKK, armed and not armed, also crumble. However, ABDI stated that Öcalan’s call to dissolve PKK does not apply leads to the group. “If there is peace in Turkey, it means that there is no excuse to attack us here in Syria,” said Abdi.

The Syrian National Army has I began the attacks In northern Syria, so as to capture the territory with the SDF, and the fight is particularly intense around the Tishreen dam.

A map showing the control of territory in northern Syria.
Saint Türkiye Sna attacks SDF positions in northern Syria.
Institute of War Studio

So far, the only positive approach of the Turkish government has been signaling a possible change In the constitutional definition of citizenship beyond ethnic criteria. It could be the first step towards a more pluralistic and integration description of citizenship in Turkey, where people from several ethnic groups have been living for hundreds of years.

There are various concerns about the ways of the dissolution process. But the possibility of peace is invaluable since it opens democratic fighting opportunities. The solution to the Kurdish query, one of the most smoking problems of Turkey, will pave the way for progress in other areas, similar to democratization and freedom of expression.

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The fall of Assad in Syria will additionally weaken Hezbollah and limit the “iranization” of the Tehran region

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The fall of President Bashar Assad will not only affect 24 million Syrians who lived – and suffered a big extent – under his brutal rule. An influence can be felt above the border in Lebanon.

The fall of Assad’s government is one other blow to his Lebanese ally, Hezbollah, who was already Encouraging with Israel’s conflict, which weakened its capabilities and decimated his leadership. But many others in Lebanon will be rejoicingespecially 1.5 million Refugees who escaped from Syria Escar Assad and a 13-year civil war.

As Expert in the field of Library history and cultureI believe that waves from Syria needs to be expected. Contemporary stories of each countries are related, and by a 54-year rule, the Assad family has repeatedly intervened in Lebanon-mainly to the detriment of their people, economy and stability.

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Hezbollah and assad: mutual relationship

Since its inception in the early Eighties, Hezbollah benefited from the strong support of the Syrian regime. There They were tension moments Certainly between them – especially in the middle of the civil war in Lebanon. But in general, Hezbollah was in a position to depend on Syria for a weaponTraining and easy land Access to Iran.

And this agreement was mutual. When Assad’s rule was questioned in 2011 and the country went to the civil war, Hezbollah fighters He moved to Syria strengthen government troops.

But by becoming the strongest paramilitary being in Lebanon, Hezbollah saw his fortune suffered. The last war with Israel seriously weakened the group and forced her to Acceptance of a weapon suspension agreement This covers the path towards disarmament.

In addition, Lebanese support for Hezbollah modified dramatically, with the group’s open calls to stop her paramilitary activity. The war of the group with Israel cost life 3,700 people in Lebanonand around 1.2 million Lebanese -around one fifth population-internally displaced from their homes. Meanwhile, economic loss Lebanon is estimated in billions of dollars.

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Iran, Assad and Hezbollah triangle

It isn’t any accident that the recent progress of the rebels led to the refutation of Assad On the same day, the suspension of Israel-Hezbollah weapons was signed. Hesbollah forces were exhausted, and many of their warriors withdrew from Syria strengthen the southern border of Lebanon.

Syrian rebels selected this moment to hit, knowing that Iran was also too thin with the war of Israel-Hezbollahu to return to help help.

The domino effect caused Iran to unravel “Iran”Resistance axis. “Certainly Tehran lost hard over Syria and Lebanon.

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The proven fact that the fall of Assad coincides with the potential end of the Syria civil war and the Iran-Syria-Hezbollah alliance; It is the starting of the Art Nouveau war that helped anchor this three -sided relationship.

In 2011 Arabian spring -Seria pro-democracy and protests of human rights that began in Tunisia-she made to Syria. Anti -ssad protests broke out in Daraa and soon spread to the foremost cities, reminiscent of Homs, Hama and The Capital, Damascus.

Syrian government He answered with brutalityordering soldiers to shoot protesters, while stopping and torturing hundreds of men and boys.

International Outrage appeared. But the Syrian government remained in power with the support of Iran and Hezbollah. In fact, in addition to Hezbollah fighters, the Corps of the Revolutionary Guard Iran also advised Assad and fought alongside his army against the Syrian nation.

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For Tehran and his proxy, Hezbollah, this helped in the further “andranization” of the region – that’s, the spread of the ideology of the Iranian revolution and Conversion of Syria and Lebanon to the Shiite states.

Syria is principally a Sunni Muslim. Under the family of Assad ruled it Alawite minority – A gaggle that practices a branch of Shiite Islam. Hezbollah, as a Shiite terrorist group, swore loyalty to the highest leader of Iran in his own 1985 manifesto.

The Palestinian cause was one other uniting factor between these three. The revolutionary Iran Credo after 1979 “Death for Israel” is a sentiment shared by the Assad regime and Hezbollah fighters. However, Assad might have been less loud about this – especially since he tried to barter with Israel over the occupied Golan Heights.

Syria, Iran and Hezbollah Assad weren’t only united by radicalism and their desire to control the region. They also divided economic interests and benefited from trade in illegal drugs, In particular, CaptagonAmphetamine stimulant, which is mass -produced in Syria under the patronage of Assad and Iran. The drug is another and significant source of income at a time when international sanctions were bitten.

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With the help of Hezbollah and his control over the airport and Lebanon’s seaport, the drug has turn into widely available in the Persian Gulf. Its highly addictive nature is an actual threat in the Arab world, and Assad used it to exert pressure on Saudi Arabia Restoration of membership in Syria in the Arab League In 2023, in return, the Syrian regime agreed to redirect drug trafficking elsewhere.

Assad’s heritage

Along with the defeat of Hezbollah in Lebanon and the fall of the Syrian regime, the region’s “ianization” is no less than detained.

Nevertheless, 54 years of family rule of Assad in Syria left a protracted trace of destruction in neighboring Lebanon.

IN June 1976 Syria sent over 25,000 soldiers Above the border to place an end to the Lebanese civil war. His presence was to be temporary, but was prolonged to over 4 many years.

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Before the Lebanese civil war ended in 1991, Syria took complete control over Lebanon territory, in addition to national and international matters. Serious violations of human rights, including disappearance, illegal detention, torture and torture, have been reported Murder of political characters and journalists.

In February 2005, Lebanese Prime Minister Rafot Hariri – which publicly opposed the Syrian hegemony in Lebanon – he was murdered in an attack in which Assad and Senior Syrian officers They were strongly involved.

Hundreds of hundreds of Lebanese people prove to mourn the murder of Hariri Rafi.
Ghaith Abdul-Ahad/Getty Images

The murder caused Cedar revolutionWhen tons of of hundreds of Lebanese inhabitants got here out into the streets, demanding the immediate departure of Syrian forces.

Although Syrian forces left Lebanon, the Syrian regime continued to interfere in the country’s policy through Hezbollah, which transformed right into a political and military organization and entered the government in 2008.

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From that moment, Hezbollah would block every decision that didn’t serve the interests of Syria and Iran. For example, Hezbollah and his allies vetoed every presidential candidate who didn’t support the Syrian regime – a politician who fell into Lebanon in the prolonged Presidential vacuum.

Uncertain future

While Hezbollah can proceed to operate in Lebanon and under the umbrella of Iran, the fall of Assad signifies that it’s devoid of deliveries.

Without Syria, Hezbollah doesn’t have quick access to Iranian fighters and weapons – and the newly signed suspension of weapons between Lebanon and Israel confirms the commitment of Lebanon in A UN resolution Calling for disarming Hezbollah.

And even though it isn’t clear what New Syria will appear to be, no less than at the moment the populations of Lebanon and Syria – they each suffered under brutal rule and abuse of Hezbollah – they can enjoy after the departure of a person answerable for so many pain.

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Local government democratic north-eastern Syria will be attacked in a actual country

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After greater than a decade of the brutal Civil War of Islamist fighters, it took only 11 days to survive Syria and overthrow the Bashar Al-Assad regime. The offensive, which was conducted by the Turkish Syrian (SNA) and Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS) National Army, forced many residents of Western Syria to flee from homes in search of security.

Meanwhile, others have a good time the tip of the five -year rule of the Assad family. There They are long queues People and cars on the Library border border, when displaced people return to Syria, and on the border with Turkey there are also significant grubs.

According to Ali Yerlikay, the Minister of the Interior of Turkey, the monthly average of Syrians crossing the border he almost doubled In sooner or later after overthrowing Assad.

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While these events were developing, the situation of a de facto self-governing region in the northeastern a part of the country called the autonomous administration of northeastern Syria (also generally known as Rojava) didn’t pay much attention to international media. The SNA rebel offensive is successful in the region.

The region management body has called the autumn Assada a significant moment and expressed hopes for a latest chapter in Syria. And the powerful armed groups of Rojaavy, the units of the People’s Protection (YPG) and the democratic forces supported by the USA (SDF), even have each Expressed optimism About the autumn of the Assad regime.

These statements reflect a common sense of hope and commitment to constructive dialogue and cooperation in shaping the longer term of Syria. But Rojava, which was a lighthouse Kurdish complacency And democratic management from the start of 2010, when several districts have announced autonomy, is threatened with each internal and external forces.

There are tensions between the SDF and Arabic tribes over the political influence and abundant natural resources of Rojava. In Manbija, a city west of the Euphrates River in northern Syria, there was Heavy clashes Between SDF and Sna from the start of the rebel offensive. SDF successfully informed rejecting many attacks, but eventually withdrew from the town.

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Apparently also offensive Began in Kobanewhich is perceived because the birthplace of the Rojav Revolution and a symbol of Kurdish resistance. The city is the place of the important thing battlefield, where Kurdish fighters defeated the Islamic State (IS) in 2014.

In other cities in the region, corresponding to Raqqa, Tabqa and the important thing desert city of Deir Ez-Zor, Arabs are demographically more quite a few than the Kurds. The way forward for cooperation between two groups in these areas dominated by Arabs stays uncertain.

Over the past week, SDF fighters captured Deir Ez-Zor and took control of the primary border crossing of Syria with Iraq. Recently, nevertheless, there There were reports suggesting that HTS warriors gain control over the town.

Externally, Turkish military operations geared toward weakening the region’s Kurdish control are a constant threat to Rojava. Türkiye perceives SDF and YPG as an extension of the forbidden party of Kurdistan staff and motion to stop the Kurdish autonomous region along its border to acquire political status that Türkiye perceives as a direct threat to its national security.

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So in cooperation with the Allied groups of jihadists, Türkiye has conducted several operations in northern Syria in recent years to ascertain “Safe Zone” push the Kurdish forces. Turkish forces He took control earlier Afrin cities in the northwestern a part of Syria in 2018, which was then under Rojava’s control.

These activities drew international criticism accusations violations of human rights and war crimes. Sweden with several other European countries, He stopped weapon trade with Turkey in 2019. However, Sweden later He raised the restrictions During the technique of submitting an application for attachment to NATO.

Türkiye plays a key role of an ally for the movements of the Syrian opposition, especially Sna. Served as a very important support system for rebel forces throughout the last offensive, like this He did it consistently in the past.

Rojaava’s future is predicated on his ability to maneuver in complex dynamics. Maintaining US support is crucial since the American military presence is deterrent to Turkish aggression. However, the region must also cope with internal divisions and work on greater Arab-Rurdic reconciliation to make sure long-term stability.

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Path forward

Opposition groups in Syria are very fragmented and we don’t yet understand how power struggles arise amongst them. We know that HTS and its leader Abu Muhammad Al-Jolani have historical connections with Al-Qaeda and IS. The group is now presented in a more moderate light, but there may be a lot of uncertainty.

On the opposite hand, Rojava fought against IS, Jazides were protected during a genocidal campaign against them and established humanitarian corridors to evacuate them and strives to implement a multi -ethnic society based on direct democracy, ecology and sex equality.

Rojava social contract card He protects these principles and provides the representation and rights of Kurds, Arabs, Jazydów, Syriaj-Casyrians, Turkmens, Armenians and others.

The Kurds in Brussels, Belgium protest against the Military Action of Turkey in north -eastern Syria in 2019.
Alexandros Michailidis / Shutterstock

It is troublesome that despite the apparent “confidence” in Jolani – a character who He was once marked “The most sought after terrorist in the world” – as a moderate revolutionary leader, since its establishment has not been recognized by the democratic Ryjaava model.

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Instead of receiving the merit of support, Rojava is concentrated on questions on the priorities of the international community and the prospect of sustainable peace in the region. The Syrian nation, in all its diversity and voices, must determine the ways of constructing a really integration and democratic Syria, in which all people can coexist in the room.

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