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The Israeli siege put Gazans at risk of starvation – pre-war policies made them defenseless in the first place

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The stories of famine in the war-ravaged Gaza Strip are stark: people resort to it grinding barely edible cattle feed make flour; desperate residents eating grass; reports from cats hunted for food.

The numbers in query are equally desperate. The world’s leading authority on food insecurity, the IPC Hunger Review Commission, estimates that 90% of Gaza’s population – roughly 2.08 million people – face severe food insecurity. Indeed, of the individuals who face imminent starvation in today’s world, an estimated 95% are in Gaza.

as expert in Palestinian public health, I’m afraid the situation may not have bottomed out. In January 2024, many major donors to UNRWA, the UN refugee agency that gives most services to Palestinians in Gaza, suspended contributions to the agency in response to allegations, a dozen or so of the agency’s 30,000 employees were likely involved in the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack. The agency has indicated that it should not have the opportunity to supply services from March and can lose its ability to distribute food and other essential supplies this month.

With at least 28,000 people confirmed dead and an extra 68,000 injured, Israeli bombs have already caused catastrophic loss of life in Gaza – famine may very well be the next tragedy to befall the territory.

Indeed, two weeks after Israel launched an enormous military campaign in the Gaza Strip, Oxfam International reported that only about 2% of the usual amount of food was provided to the territory’s inhabitants. At the time, Sally Abi Khalil, Oxfam’s Middle East director, commented that “there is no justification for using hunger as a weapon of war.” But 4 months later, the siege continues limit the distribution of appropriate aid.

Putting Palestinians on a ‘food plan’

Israeli bombs try this destroyed houses, bakeries, food producing factories and grocery stores, making it difficult for Gazans to offset the effects of reduced food imports.

However, food insecurity in Gaza and the mechanisms that make it possible didn’t begin with Israel’s response to the October 7 attack.

AND UN Report 2022 found that in the 12 months before the last war, 65% of Gazans were food insecure, which is defined as lack of regular access to sufficient amounts of secure and nutritious food.

Many aspects contribute to food insecurity, including: blockade of Gaza imposed by Israel and enabled by Egypt since 2007. All products entering the Gaza Strip, including food, are subject to Israeli inspection, delay or denial.

Basic foodstuffs allowed, but attributable to delays at the border, it may possibly break before entering Gaza.

Year 2009 investigation by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz. they found that foods as diverse as cherries, kiwi, almonds, pomegranates and chocolate were completely banned.

Insufficient food aid for all of Gaza.
Belal Khaled/Anadolu via Getty Images

At some points there may be a blockade, as Israel claims an inevitable security measure, has been loosened to permit more food to be imported; for instance, in 2010 Israel began allowing potato chips, fruit juices, Coca-Cola and cookies.

By imposing restrictions on food imports, Israel appears to be attempting to put pressure on Hamas, making life tougher for Gazans. In words one advisor to the Israeli government in 2006“The idea is to put Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them starve.”

To make this possible, the government of Israel commissioned the 2008 study to calculate exactly what number of calories Palestinians would want to avoid malnutrition. The report was only made public after a legal battle in 2012.

Lockdown too increased food insecurity stopping significant economic development in Gaza.

The UN quotes “excessive production and transaction costs and barriers to trade with the rest of the world” imposed by Israel as the important cause of severe underdevelopment in the occupied territories, including Gaza. As a result, at the end of 2022 the unemployment rate in Gaza was around 50%. This, coupled with continued growth cost of foodhampers the food supply of many households in Gaza, making them depending on aid that changes regularly.

Obstructing self-sufficiency

More generally, the blockade and repeated rounds of destruction of parts of the Gaza Strip have made food sovereignty in the territory almost inconceivable.

Much of Gaza’s farmland lies along so-called “no-go zones” that Israel has made off-limits to Palestinians, who risk being shot if they struggle to enter these areas.

Gaza fishermen do often shelled by Israeli gunboats in the event that they enterprise further into the Mediterranean than Israel allows. Because fish closer to shore are smaller and fewer abundant, the average income of a fisherman in Gaza is greater than half since 2017.

Meanwhile, much of the infrastructure needed for adequate food production – greenhouses, farmlands, orchards, livestock and food production plants – has been destroyed or severely damaged by various rounds of bombing in Gaza. AND international donors were hesitant to unexpectedly rebuild the facilities when they can’t guarantee that their investment will last greater than just a few years before they’re bombed again.

The latest siege has only further weakened Gaza’s ability to turn into self-sufficient in food. At the starting of December 2023, an an estimated 22% of agricultural land were destroyed together with factories, farms and water and sanitary facilities. And the full extent of the damage will not be clear for months or years.

Meanwhile, Israel flooding of tunnels under parts of the Gaza Strip, seawater threatens to destroy remaining crops, leaving the land too salty, making it unstable and susceptible to sinkholes.

Hunger as a weapon of war

In addition to the many health effects of hunger and malnutrition, especially on childrensuch conditions make people more liable to disease, which is already a significant issue for people staying in overcrowded shelters from which they’re forced to flee.

In response to the current hunger crisis in Gaza Alex de WaalAuthor “Mass starvation: the history and future of famine” explained, “While it may be possible to accidentally bomb a hospital, it is not possible to accidentally cause famine.” He argues that the war crime of starvation doesn’t should involve easy starvation – the act of depriving people of food, medicine and clean water is enough.

The use of starvation is strictly prohibited under the Geneva Convention, a set of statutes regulating the laws of war. The United Nations condemned the famine Resolution 2417which condemned the use of deprivation of food and basic needs for civilians and obliged the parties to the conflict to make sure full access for humanitarian aid.

Human Rights Watch has already filed charges Israel’s use of hunger as a weapon of warand subsequently accuses the Israeli government of a war crime. In turn, the Israeli government still blames Hamas for any deaths in Gaza.

But unraveling what Israel’s intentions may be – whether it’s using starvation as a weapon of war to force mass displacement, or whether, because it claims, it is just a byproduct of war – does little for the people on the ground in Gaza.

They require immediate intervention to forestall catastrophic consequences. As reported by one parent in Gaza“We are forced to eat one meal a day – canned food that we get from aid organizations. No one can afford to buy anything for their family. I see children here crying from hunger, including my own children.”

 

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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International

Will a pager explosion spark an Israel-Hezbollah war?

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The alleged Israeli attack on Hezbollah members via their pagers is one other ominous development that pushes the Middle East toward a full-scale regional war, leaving Hezbollah with few options but to retaliate with the total support of the Iranian-led “resistance axis.”

The sophistication and impact of the pager attack is unprecedented. The attack caused a minimum of 11 deathsincluding some Hezbollah fighters and as much as 3000 people early.

The most important goal of the attack, which was planned by US officials, they supposedly said carried out by Israel, was aimed toward disrupting Hezbollah’s communications and command and control system in Lebanon.

Because Hezbollah has using mobile phones has been restricted by its forces because Israel can easily detect and goal them, pagers have increasingly grow to be the popular messaging tool inside this group.

The attack may have been intended to create panic within the group and among the many Lebanese public, lots of whom don’t support Hezbollahconsidering the political divisions within the country.

Since the Hamas attacks on southern Israel on October 7, Israeli authorities led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have repeatedly said that specified to remove the threat from Hezbollah, which acts in solidarity with Hamas.

Hours before the attack on the Netanyahu government’s pagers explained that Israel’s war goals shall be expanded to incorporate the return of tens of hundreds of residents to their homes in northern Israel, from which they fled incessant Hezbollah rocket fire. Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant has said that the one strategy to try this is thru military motion.

The simultaneous pager explosions on Tuesday could subsequently be a prelude to a broad Israeli offensive against Hezbollah.

Consequences of the war with Hezbollah

Hezbollah has already vowed to retaliate. What form that can take stays to be seen. The group has the military potential to not only bombard northern Israel with drones and missiles, but in addition attack other parts of the Jewish state, including densely populated cities like Tel Aviv.

Hezbollah demonstrated this capability within the 2006 war with Israel. The war lasted 34 days, during which 165 Israelis died (121 IDF soldiers and 44 civilians) and Israel’s economy and tourism industry were significantly damaged. Hezbollah and Lebanese losses were much higher, with a minimum of 1,100 people killed. However, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) didn’t destroy or immobilize Group.

Destroyed buildings on the outskirts of Beirut, Lebanon, following Israeli warplane airstrikes in 2006.
AP

Any successful retaliatory strike on Israeli cities could lead to serious civilian casualties, giving Israel one other pretext to pursue its long-held goal of destroying Hezbollah and punishing its most important sponsor, the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In the broader conflict, the United States has pledged to defend Israel, while Iran would support Hezbollah in any way vital. If Israeli and U.S. leaders consider that Iran will proceed to refrain from any motion that might push it into war with Israel and the U.S., they’re mistaken.

Hezbollah is a central a part of the regime’s national and regional security paradigm. Tehran has invested heavily within the group, as produce other regional affiliates—notably Iraqi militias, the Yemeni Houthis, and the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad. The goal of this “axis of resistance” was to construct a strong deterrent against Israel and the United States.



Since its founding 45 years ago, the Iranian regime has viewed Israel and its principal sponsor, the United States, as existential threats, just as Israel viewed Iran in the identical way. To that end, the regime has reoriented its foreign relations toward America’s principal adversaries, notably Russia and China. Russian-Iranian military cooperation has grow to be so strong that Moscow can have no qualms about supporting Iran and its allies in any war.

Tehran is fully aware of Israel’s nuclear potential. To protect itself against it, Iran has developed its own nuclear program threshold level developing weapons. Iranian leaders could also obtain assurances from Russia that it might help defend Iran if Israel resorted to using nuclear weapons.

Meanwhile, it should be remembered that after almost a yr of destroying Gaza and exterminating its inhabitants, Israel has didn’t annihilate Hamas.

His own actions are evidence of this. He has consistently forced Gazans to relocate in order that IDF soldiers can operate in areas they previously deemed freed from militants.

The task of defeating Hezbollah and its supporters could be a much larger goal to realize. It carries with it the grave risk of a war that each one sides say they are not looking for, but for which they’re all preparing.

The pager attack is just the most recent in a series of actions that proceed to threaten the probabilities for a lasting ceasefire in Gaza that might stabilize the region and contribute to peace, not war.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Gareth Evans condemns Labour’s timidity and urges its leaders to ‘regain their fire’

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Former Hawke-Keating cabinet minister Gareth Evans has accused the Albanian government of political timidity, condemning its instinct to “go into cautious, defensive mode and avoid the wedge”.

In a speech on Wednesday, Evans said the federal government had enough talented top-class ministers “to be a great reform government in the Hawke-Keating tradition”, spending political capital reasonably than hoarding it indefinitely until its value was eroded.

He added, nevertheless, that the federal government had adopted a defensive posture on issues akin to gambling promoting, election financing, census issues, the Makarrata Commission and all constitutional reforms, including those relating to the republic.

“Perhaps the most worrying of all, given the security and sovereignty issues,” was AUKUS, said Evans, who was amongst a gaggle of Labor critics of the deal, including Paul Keating.

“The government’s reward for all this has not been growth but decline in popularity,” Evans said.

He acknowledges that other aspects have also influenced the federal government’s current situation, including concerns about the fee of living and housing availability, which could be difficult for even probably the most competent government to address.

“But one cannot help but feel that more and more individuals are asking, what is that this Labour government all about?

“It is time for the party leadership to regain its drive and say: a prosperous, safe and, above all, decent society, the kind that only a Labour government can deliver.”

Evans served as Minister for Foreign Affairs within the Hawke and Keating governments and held various other positions; he can also be a former Chancellor of the Australian National University. He delivered the Barry Jones Oration in 2024. His speech, titled Looking on the Bright Side: the risks – and rewards – of political optimism, called for maintaining “a spirit of optimism about the art of the possible”.

“If we want to change for the better, maintaining hope is key,” he said.

“Whether we work in governments, parliaments, intergovernmental organizations, academia, think tanks, media, non-governmental organizations, or in influential positions of social responsibility in the private sector, or simply as ordinary citizens with a passion for decency, we must believe that what we do can and will make a difference.”

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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Lebanon sees foreign investment soar despite ongoing challenges

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From the start economic crisis in 2019Lebanon has been grappling with a cascade of significant challenges which have drastically modified the day by day lives of its residents. The crisis, triggered by a mixture of economic mismanagement, political corruption, and an unstable regional environment, has led to unprecedented levels of inflation, a drastic devaluation of the Lebanese pound, and a pointy decline within the purchasing power of its population. Daily life has develop into a struggle for a lot of, with basic necessities akin to food, fuel, and medicine becoming increasingly scarce and unattainable.

Contrary winds

The situation was further exacerbated by the prospect of war with Israel, which fueled instability and uncertainty but didn’t discourage domestic and foreign investment. In addition, the devastating explosion on the Beirut port in August 2020 dealt a devastating blow to the economy, destroying much of town’s infrastructure, displacing 1000’s of residents and causing billions of dollars in losses. The explosion also destroyed public trust in the federal government, which was already at low levels because of the ongoing financial crisis.

…and unexpected profits

Yet within the face of those challenges, the Lebanese economy has shown remarkable resilience. published by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) provide compelling evidence of this resilience, evident in the numerous increase in foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into Lebanon.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) refers to an investment made by an organization or individual from one country right into a business interest positioned abroad. Unlike portfolio investment (akin to stocks or bonds), FDI typically involves acquiring an enduring interest in a foreign business, akin to purchasing a major stake or organising operations akin to factories or offices. This sort of investment is meant to achieve direct control or influence over the operations of a foreign business, often resulting in job creation, technology transfer, and economic growth within the host country. In easy terms, FDI is when a foreign entity invests money to assist develop or expand a business abroad.

According to the report, net foreign direct investment inflows into Lebanon increased by 25% in 2023, reaching $582 million, in comparison with $461 million in 2022. This increase demonstrates Lebanon’s continued attractiveness as a fertile ground for entrepreneurship and investment, particularly within the context of small-scale industries and digital services.

Supporting small industries

Lebanon’s ability to extend the country’s investment attractiveness despite ongoing economic problems will be explained by several aspects.

The country’s entrepreneurial spirit is considered one of its most significant. Known for its dynamic and progressive culture, Lebanese entrepreneurs have been capable of generate significant economic activity and attract international investors – evidence of their confidence in Lebanon’s growth potential even in difficult times.

Another key factor is the lively role of the Lebanese diaspora. Many successful Lebanese expatriates reinvest of their homeland, particularly in smaller-scale industries, typically with limited capital, fewer staff, and native or area of interest markets. These industries include artisanal food and goods production, handicrafts, tech startups and digital services, eco-tourism and hospitality, and renewable energy. These areas are seeing significant investment because of lower capital requirements and high growth prospects. The link between expatriates and domestic economic activity creates a continuous flow of capital, know-how, and market connections.

Small industries and digital services have also emerged as leading sectors in Lebanon’s economic recovery, attracting significant foreign investment because of their adaptability and innovation. Small industries profit from Lebanon’s expert workforce and strategic location, while digital services thrive on the country’s high web penetration, estimated to 93% in 2024

This indicates that the amount of inward FDI into Lebanon increased by 24% in 2023, reaching roughly USD 655 million, in comparison with USD 527 million in 2022. This figure represents roughly 0.86% of the whole inward FDI within the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region and 0.05% of the worldwide inward FDI.

This increase stands out particularly within the context of the worldwide decline in foreign direct investment (FDI), which decreased by 2% in 2023, reaching a complete of about USD 1.33 trillion in comparison with about USD 1.36 trillion in 2022. The decline in global FDI underlines the importance of Lebanon’s performance, pointing to its ability to draw investment even within the face of contraction in global investment flows.

Lebanon’s Appeal

The surprising growth in FDI in Lebanon is because of several key aspects. Government efforts to draw investors are among the many important ones, with various reforms aimed toward improving the business environment. These include improvements to the regulatory framework and incentives aimed toward making Lebanon a more attractive place for foreign investors.

Lebanon’s location is after all one other key factor. Situated on the crossroads of Europe, Asia and Africa, the country offers firms the chance to ascertain a presence in Syria’s fertile crescent.

In addition, Lebanon highly educated and multilingual staff increases the country’s investment attractiveness. The country’s universities and academic institutions proceed to supply graduates with the talents needed to thrive in today’s economy.

Finally, Lebanon’s wealthy cultural heritage and historical links with various regions world wide may explain its appeal as an investment destination. These long-standing links facilitate strong international partnerships and cooperation.

As Lebanon charts a course for recovery, continued support and confidence from international investors shall be crucial. The growing inflow of foreign direct investment not only demonstrates the country’s economic resilience, but in addition provides a foundation for sustainable growth and development within the years to return. However, it will be important to do not forget that the economic situation in Lebanon can be linked to the geopolitical situation within the Middle East.

Law on the Protection of Civilians in Syria

The effects of the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, commonly generally known as the Caesar Act, are US law passed December 2019The Caesar Act imposes sweeping sanctions on the Syrian government, in addition to any individuals or entities that support the regime, akin to foreign firms, financial institutions, and government officials. The act also targets sectors key to the Syrian economy, including construction, energy, and finance.

The Caesar Act has had serious, disastrous repercussions for Lebanon’s economy, which is closely tied to Syria’s economy. The sanctions restrict Lebanese firms from engaging in trade or financial transactions with Syrian entities, resulting in reduced trade, disruption of supply chains, and increased economic uncertainty. Given Lebanon’s geographic proximity and historical economic ties to Syria, these sanctions have further strained Lebanon’s economy, which is already battling its own financial crisis.

Lebanon’s ability to draw and retain foreign direct investment despite its difficult economic situation underlines the country’s potential and ongoing efforts to make it a beautiful country for investors.

This article was originally published on : theconversation.com
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