Who could have predicted that after almost 14 years of civil war and five years of stalemate, the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria would collapse in only a week? With Assad gone, the burning query is what Syria’s immediate future holds.

When opposition fighters led by the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group captured the most important city of Aleppo in late November with minimal resistance, commentators widely believed it marked the start of the autumn of the Assad regime. Many expected a fierce fight until the very end.

Assad was caught off guard and his forces clearly unprepared. He withdrew remaining troops from Aleppo to regroup and buy time for reinforcements to reach from Russia and Iran, hoping opposition fighters would stop there.

It wasn’t meant to be. Emboldened by their rapid success in Aleppo, HTS fighters wasted no time in advancing on Hama, capturing it with ease. They quickly moved on and took Homs, another large city to the south.

Russia provided limited air support to Assad. However, Iran, having exhausted its forces defending Hezbollah against Israel in Lebanon, was unable to supply significant assistance and withdrew the remaining staff from Syria. Meanwhile, Assad calls frantically support from Iraq he didn’t go anywhere.

Seeing the writing on the wall, the morale of Assad’s forces and leadership has plummeted. Fearing retribution within the event of the regime’s fall, desertions began en masse, further hastening Assad’s fall.

And on the last day Assad escaped country, and its prime minister officially handed over power to HTS and its leadership. This marked the top of 54 years of Assad family rule in Syria.

Assad’s legacy

Most Syrians will likely remember the Assad family, including Bashar al-Assad and his father, Hafez al-Assad, as brutal dictators.

The modern state of Syria was established in 1920 Sykes-Picot Agreement within the aftermath of the First World War. Syria became a League of Nations mandate under French control, gaining independence only in 1944. After a turbulent period, including failed unification with Egypt, the Baath Party took control in 1963 in a coup d’état led by Hafez al-Assad.

In 1966, Hafez al-Assad became the leader another coup together with other officials of the Alawite minority. This eventually led to the establishment of a civilian regime, and Hafez al-Assad became president in 1970.

Hafez al-Assad became often known as an authoritarian dictator, concentrating power, the military and the economy within the hands of his relatives and the Alawite community. Meanwhile, the Sunni majority has been largely marginalized and excluded from positions of power and influence.

Hafez al-Assad is most infamous for his brutal suppression of the opposition in 1982. As a result of the rebellion led by the Islamic Front, the opposition captured the town of Hama. In response, the Syrian army razed the town, leaving an estimated 10,000 to 40,000 civilians dead or missing, ultimately suppressing the revolt.

Hafez al-Assad died in 2000, and his younger son, Bashar al-Assad, the least likely candidate, took over as president. Educated within the West to change into a doctor, Bashar al-Assad projected a picture of moderation and modernity, inspiring hope that he could usher in a recent era of progress and democracy in Syria.

However, Bashar al-Assad soon found himself in a turbulent regional landscape following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the US invasion of Iraq. In 2004, after the United States imposed sanctions on SyriaAssad was on the lookout for closer ties with Turkey. He and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan have struck up a friendship as they waive visa requirements between their countries and plan to create economic zones to spice up trade.

Erdoğan and Assad then fell out during a series of events in 2011, which was a turning point for Syria. The country erupted in Arab Spring revolts, presenting Assad with a critical selection: pursue the trail of democracy or crush the opposition, as his father did in 1982.

He selected the latter, missing a historic opportunity for Syria’s peaceful transformation.

The consequences were disastrous. A devastating civil war broke out, killing over 300,000 people (some estimates are higher), 5.4 million refugees and 6.9 million internally displaced individuals. This will be Assad’s legacy.

Immediate challenges facing Syria

Syria now has a recent force in power: HTS and its leadership, led by militant leader Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. They will face immediate challenges and 4 key priorities:

1) Consolidation of power. The recent leadership will now strive to make sure that there are no armed groups capable of difficult their rule, especially the remnants of the old Assad regime and smaller factions that weren’t part of the opposition forces.

Crucially, they will also need to discuss how power will be shared among the many coalition of opposition groups. Al-Jolani is more likely to change into the founding president of the brand new Syria, but how the remainder of power will be distributed stays uncertain.

It seems that the opposition was not prepared to take power so quickly and there could also be no power-sharing agreement. This will need to be negotiated and worked out quickly.

The recent government will probably recognize it Syrian Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) and the territories it controls as an autonomous region in Syria. However, an independent Kurdish state will be strongly opposed by Türkiye, the most important external supporter of the opposition.

However, it seems that history is moving in favor of the so-called Kurds. There is now the last word possibility of establishing an independent Kurdish state, potentially uniting northern Iraq and northeastern Syria into one entity.

2) International recognition. Syria is a very complex and diverse place. Therefore, the brand new government can only be maintained if it receives international recognition.

The key players on this process are Türkiye, the European Union, the United States and Israel (through the US). It is likely that all of these entities will recognize the brand new government provided it establishes a moderate administration, refrains from fighting the Kurdish YPG and doesn’t support Hezbollah or Hamas.

Given the unexpected success in toppling Assad so quickly, the opposition will likely accept these terms in exchange for help and recognition.

3) Formation of a recent government. Everyone is wondering what kind of political order the opposition forces will establish now. HTS and lots of groups in its coalition are Sunni Muslims, including HTS origin linked to Al-Qaeda. However, HTS broke away from the terrorist organization in 2016 and focused exclusively on Syria as an opposition movement.

Nevertheless, we should always not expect democratic secular rule. The recent government is also unlikely to resemble the ultraconservative theocratic rule of the Taliban.

In his last interview for CNNal-Jolani made two key points. He indicated that his and other group leaders’ views evolved with age, suggesting that the intense views of their youth had softened over time. He also emphasized that the opposition will be tolerant towards the liberty and rights of religious and ethnic minorities.

The details of how this will manifest remain unclear. HTS is expected to form a conservative government by which Islam plays a dominant role in shaping social policy and legislating.

On the economic and foreign policy fronts, the country’s recent leaders are more likely to be pragmatic and open to alliances with the regional and global powers that have supported them.

4) Rebuilding the country and maintaining unity. This is needed to stop another civil war from breaking out – this time among the many victors.

Recent statement by the HTS Department of Political Affairs said the brand new Syria would give attention to construction, progress and reconciliation. The recent government goals to create positive conditions for displaced Syrians to return to their country, establish constructive relations with neighboring countries and prioritize economic reconstruction.

Syria and the broader Middle East have entered a recent phase of their modern history. Time will tell how all the things will develop, but one thing is certain: it will never be the identical.

The rapid capture by Syrian rebels of huge swaths of northern Syria, including the war-torn country’s second largest city, Aleppo, and the strategically essential city of Hama further south, is a blow to the regime of Bashar al. -Assad.

The rebels are here now pushing further south towards my hometown of Homs. When these cities fell to Assad – Aleppo fell in 2017 – it was seen as an indication of the end of Syria popular rebellion against the regimewhich began with such optimism when the Syrians poured out onto the streets across the country in 2011 to call for freedom, justice and dignity.

After a long time of oppression by the Assad family, hopes were high for a unique future. However, hope quickly turned to despair. Peaceful demonstrations were suppressed by Assad’s government, sparking a brutal armed conflict that left many dead half one million people and displaced over 12 million more.

Over the years, the war in Syria has largely disappeared from the headlines. But with the explosion of violence in the country last week, that modified.

For many Syrians, each in exile and at home, the rebel advance has rekindled hopes from 13 years ago. Many prisoners are like that already released from Syrian prisons and there may be cautious optimism that displaced people and refugees will finally have the ability to return home.

At the same time, nevertheless, many Syrians fear latest wars to return, latest cycles of violence in cities and towns across the country, and latest sources of suffering, displacement and human rights violations.

Assad has vowed to “crush” rebel forces, and his key allies Russia and Iran have offered their “unconditional support.” Since November 27, when the rebel offensive began, almost 300,000 people were relocated and a whole bunch died. Fighter jets intensively bombed rebel-held areas, hitting residential buildings and even A hospital in Idlib in northern Syria.

In a speech delivered on December 4 to the UN Security Council in New York, Raed Al Salih, director of the Syrian White Helmets Civil Defense, also he talked about his own serious concern about the “real threat of chemical attacks”. Civilians, especially those in rebel-held areas, are once more trapped in the heart of battlefields.

But Syrians are not only fearful about further waves of violence. Since 2011, life itself has change into a struggle for access to basic necessities. And now the situation is becoming more and harder.

Prices of basic goods in Aleppo, as well as in other cities, have increased significantly since the rebel takeover, with reports from residents that the price of some goods has doubled. In a rustic where roughly 90% of the population already lives living in povertygreater instability will only make life harder for individuals who are already struggling to survive.

Fear of an uncertain future

There are also concerns that if rebel groups take control of further parts of the country, there can be further restrictions on freedom. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Islamist militant group at the center of the offensive, was originally formed from al-Qaeda affiliates. However, in recent times the group has modified its name.

Its leader, Ahmed Hussein al-Shara, known by his pseudonym Abu Mohammad al-Jawlani, identifies himself as champion of pluralism and tolerance. HTS is currently calling for the creation of a “Syria for all Syrians”, with the aim of gaining broad public support from people representing different religions and sects.

In an exclusive interview with CNN on December 6 this 12 months. Jawlani was asked whether Christians and other religious and ethnic minorities will live safely under HTS rule. In response, he stated, “no one has the right to erase another group. Each sect has coexisted for hundreds of years and no one has the right to eliminate them.”

Regardless, many Syrians living abroad have expressed concerns about the future following the rebel advance. In interview released on December 4, Mehdi Hasan, a British-American journalist, discussed how HTS takes its cue from the Taliban in Afghanistan.

“Many supporters of the Assad regime say that if this group is allowed to take over Syria, it will be like the Taliban. You will oppress women, you will have persecution of Christians, you will have Shiites, and the targets will be minority groups,” Hasan noted. “Is this true right now? Is that so?” – he asked. Hassan I. HassanSyrian-American journalist, replied: “It’s true. And that’s the biggest fear.”

These concerns are rooted in human rights violations committed by HTS in the areas it controls. In 2023 Amnesty International warned that HTS subjected journalists, activists and anyone who criticized its rule in Idlib province to “arbitrary detention without access to a lawyer or family members.”

A 12 months earlier, the Syrian Network for Human Rights based in Great Britain published the report attributing the deaths of not less than 505 civilians between 2012 and 2021 to HTS, including 71 children and 77 women. In an interview with CNN Jawlani admitted that “there have been some violations” against minorities by “some people during periods of chaos.” “But we have addressed these issues,” he added.

AND video on x (formerly Twitter) shows a Muslim woman asking a person in Aleppo if he’s a Christian and what his situation is after the rebels took over the city. The offensive appears to be accompanied by a coordinated PR campaign aimed toward reassuring folks that life will proceed as normal after HTS takes control.

This is in contrast to areas controlled by other radical groups such as Islamic State, where people have been killed due to their beliefs or religion.

Syria is once more at a crossroads. And nobody knows what might occur next. Turkman Rimsenior research fellow at the London School of Economics, believes that “a reasoned political solution that truly engages all actors on the ground” is the only thing that can ensure peace in Syria.

After 13 years of exile, displacement and mass murder, we Syrians need this peace. But for now we want a miracle. The voices of wisdom, unity and peace must prevail to forestall Syria from falling into one other period of mourning.

The so-called “axis of the defenseless” is breaking in Syria. As of 2016 Russia and Iransupporting the regime of Bashar al-Assad, it took greater than a 12 months of bombings, ground attacks and sieges to interrupt rebel opposition in the eastern part of Syria’s largest city, Aleppo.

Now, in 2024, it took the rebels lower than 4 days to accomplish that liberate the city and most of Aleppo province. They also regained territory in neighboring Idlib province and moved south to northern Hama before the Assad regime established defensive lines.

Russian forces remained in their bases in the Mediterranean. Iran and its Lebanese ally Hezbollah have been caught by rebels advancing on their positions in northwestern Syria. They abandoned them, but a minimum of not before two commanders were killed.

Since 2020, after Russia and Iran helped his forces thrust back opposition forces in much of Syria, Assad has presided over parts of the divided country in name. He and his allies controlled most of the largest cities, including Aleppo and the capital Damascus, while Turkish-backed opposition groups controlled most of northwestern Syria and U.S.-backed Kurdish factions had autonomy in the northeast.

Now Assad doesn’t even preside over his side of the division. And his Russian and Iranian enablers, overburdened and isolated throughout much of the world, are powerless to revive his paper rule.

Supporting Assad

Since the starting of the Syrian rebellion against Assad’s long-time rule in March 2011, Russia and Iran have provided political, logistical, intelligence and propaganda assistance to the Assad regime.

Iran successfully took over Assad’s army since September 2012, training tens of hundreds of militiamen to replenish depleted forces. Hezbollah sent his fighters since 2013 to rescue the Assad regime near the border with Lebanon. And Russia intervened special forces and air forces from September 2015

The success of Assad and his allies rested largely on their ability to weaken the international community. Kremlin spread destructive disinformation to cover up the regime’s deadly chemical attacks and denigrate opposition and Syrian activists White helmets civil defense.

Instead of holding the regime accountable, the Obama administration was dragged into fruitless ceasefire discussions. The EU was sidelined, the UN became powerless and Arab governments finally sat on their hands.

Perhaps the regime’s biggest triumph was portraying the collapse of the anti-Assad movement as extraordinary. Eastern Aleppo was retaken in December 2016. Daraa province, the original site of the protests, and the rest of southern Syria surrendered in 2018. An 11-month offensive recaptured Hama province and parts of Idlib before a ceasefire. mediated by Russia and Türkiyein March 2020

But this image was also an illusion hiding weakness. Russian bombings and sieges had leveled and strangled much of the country, but Moscow, Iran, and Hezbollah still lacked the strength to assist the regime occupy the rest of northwestern Syria or remove the Kurds from the northeast.

“Reconstruction” was a misleading label in areas reclaimed by the regime. Long burdened by the kleptocracy of the Assad elite, the Syrian economy has lost ground greater than half GDP in 2010–2020. The Syrian pound, which was valued at 47 per US dollar in 2011, has now fallen to 13,000 per US dollar and unofficially it is much weaker. International sanctions imposed as a consequence of the regime’s mass killings and repression remain in force.

The regime, even though it could count on external help, could maintain the illusion of power. But then Russian President Vladimir Putin decided to invade, quickly conquering Ukraine in 2022. Nearly three years later, he has devoted most of Russia’s resources to operations there, putting the country under international economic pressure.

Iran’s leaders have been tormented by mass protests over social issues, including women’s rights. The economy still teeters between inefficiency and sanctions. And targeted killings and covert operations by Israel and the US have weakened the military.

Hezbollah has been decimated by Israeli attacks over the past three months, from pager explosions to the assassinations of commanders, including key leader Hassan Nasrallah. The shaky ceasefire has not freed militants from the threat of Israeli airstrikes and ground attacks.

So when the rebels attacked last week, they didn’t encounter the vaunted axis of resistance. They saw only the fading shadow of Assad’s alleged power.

Turkey’s key role

What’s next for Assad and his supporters? The answer may now lie with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Erdoğan may not have launched the rebel offensive, sources said Abu Mohammad al-Jolanithe leader of the Islamist faction, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, made a call – but he is the beneficiary of its result. Turkey political and economic scope in northwest Syria, it has expanded since 2016 to incorporate the country’s largest city.

Ankara has influence on the terms of the negotiations. It could encourage and even equip the rebels to proceed, or it could call for a halt and consolidation in preparation for a gathering with the Russians and Iranians. This has already been done by Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan hosted his Iranian counterpart in a show of diplomacy.

But this raises further questions. Erdoğan’s primary enemy in Syria is not Assad, but the Kurdish authorities, which he sees as part of the Turkish-Kurdish insurgent group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party.

So far, the Turkish-backed rebels have had no serious clashes with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). SDF and Kurdish officials did so apparently pulled out areas in Aleppo province, trench work in north-eastern Syria.

But will Türkiye accept it or as in 2019Will he proceed his attack in the northeast? According to Ankara reports initiated talks with the Assad regime over a Turkish-controlled “buffer zone” far inside the border.

This brings in the United States, which is a significant supporter of the Kurds and the SDF. For now, Washington will likely maintain this commitment. But as of January, all bets are off as Donald Trump returns to the White House.

After a phone call with Erdoğan in late 2018, Trump he tried to back out all American soldiers from Syria. The Pentagon outmaneuvered him, but one other conversation with Erdoğan in October 2019 gave the green light for a Turkish cross-border invasion.

The axis of the defenseless is breaking, but the era of uncertainty in Syria continues. Syrian residents can only hope that it is now not so deadly and destructive.